The purpose of this article is to analyse the problems with which unskilled migrant workers are confronted in their vocational and social lives, from the viewpoint of social exclusion, and to explore the policy responses to tackle their social exclusion. Social exclusion of migrant workers is divided into the two parts of social exclusion - within workplace and outside workplace and each of them is examined in terms of economic, social, cultural, educational, and linguistic aspects.
Discussion of Economic integration in East Asia are active. This trend began in the late 20th from the EU and North America's regional economic integration is in response to the movement. East Asia in the late 1990s to the actual for the FTA, it was not very active.
As East Asian Economic Integration became one of agendas for ASEAN+3 Leaders' meeting since 2004. Japan has been positioned itself as a leading country in East Asia. However, the emergence of China in the East Asian economic integration have been changes. Moreover, East Asian countries began concerns over regional economic integration with frequent conclusions of FTAs and China is leading the discussion on strengthening economic cooperation in the region.
Some of it in terms of economic integration in East Asia will not be smooth. First, East Asian countries do not have a common goal. Second, East Asian countries have a lot of diversity. Third, China and Japan are expected to compete in the championship. Therefore, East Asian economic integration should be approached in the long-term perspective.
With the cold war over, China and America faced a big change in their relationship. At that time, China tried to find out a new security strategy to America. In the light of Linkage Theory, China's new security strategy was created with environment input and polity input. In other words, it was affected by not only external factors but also internal factors; while the political change in East Asia and the change in U.S.' security strategy to China are external factors, the advent of a new leadership and rapid development of China are internal factors.
JiangZeMin administration adopted 'new strategy attitude' and 'multilateralism strategy' as its new security strategy. Declaring "Great China in Responsibility", China emphasized that they were in pursuit of peace. Based on this strategy, China could drive dual and flexible strategy to America. In relationship with America, China took a firm stance when it comes to sovereignty while trying to keep cooperation. It is sovereignty that lies in the core of China's security strategy to America. China's security strategy to America developed military relation of China-America in 1990s. Security system in East Asia in 21C could be founded upon the changes in relationship between China and America and upon the alteration of China's security strategy to America in 1990s.
The Korean economy has experienced many changes in corporate governance since the IMF crisis, therefore the crisis brought an enormous change to Korean firms. Coporate governance deals with the rights and responsibilities of a controlling shareholder, company’s management and various stakeholders. Corporate governance affects market confidence as well as firm value. Therefore good corporate governance is essential to firm value. Both the legal protection of investors and some form of concentrated ownership are essential elements of a good corporate governance system. Legal protection and large investors are complementary in an effective corporate governance system. The most enthusiastic assessments of American corporate governance system come from those who put greater emphasis on the role of legal protection than on that of large investors. In contrast, advocates of the German and Japanese corporate governance system point to the benefits of permanent long term investors relative to those of takeovers.
This paper, from the perspective of firm value, analyzes the effect of the shareholding matrix after the IMF crisis. This paper employs two proxies of firm value, Tobin’s Q and EV/EBITDA, and study whether firm valuation varies with corporate governance.
The primary findings are summarized in the following way. Using a sample of non‐financial firms listed on th Korea Stock Exchange over the 2000~2005 period, the test results indicates that the firm valuation depends critically on Cashflow Rights Ratio. Specifically, this paper finds a significant and positive correlation between Tobin’s q or industry‐adjusted EV/EBITDA and high Cashflow Rights Ratio.
Taken togher, these results suggest that the successful corporate governance systems rely on some combination of concentrated ownership and legal protection of investors, therefore good corporate governance is essential to increase the firm value.
Since it is an indispensible relationship between sports and politics in China, policies related with sports are closely related with change of political situations of the nation. In addition, as sport systems around the central government are formed, they are operated around organizations and systems which are controlled by the central government.
This paper is intended to analyze relationships between Beijing Olympic and development of Chinese nationalism under operation of national ideology of the Chinese government. Chinese nationalism is considered as a major factor for holding Beijing Olympic successfully and effect of Beijing Olympic on the development of Chinese nationalism is also analyzed. Especially it is examined how contents and characters of Chinese nationalism changed before and after a successful holding of Beijing Olympic.
Even though Chinese nationalism is largely noted again thank to Beijing Olympic, it is not temporary phenomena but it lies on a consecutive line of nationalism which appeared due to confidence of the Chinese and in its response to the western world since the 1990s. A successful holding of Beijing Olympic strengthened both national confidence and cohesive power of the Chinese, and invoked emotion of a strong country which had been hidden in the history of China. The Chinese government utilized culture-nationalism to the maximum with a fundamental frame of state-nationalism. Consequently some change occurred in respect of contents and types of Chinese nationalism, and it acted as opportunity that the key point of Chinese nationalism is transformed from "How can we save China?" in the past to "How can China become as a leading country in the world?" at present. Both Beijing Olympic and Chinese nationalism have developed in the dialectical relationship.
Korea has marked falling tendency of turnout recently. This study scrutinized turnout of all the last Korean elections including presidential, general and local ones held past 20 years finding out its reasons of decreasing trend. The study employed cross-sectional time-series analysis, composed of 14 elections longitudinally and of 16 cities and provinces horizontally.
Although South Korea experienced economic boom due to export growth between late 1980s and the middle of 1990s, the nation suffered the International Monetary Fund's rescue late 1990s. Once-strong Korean economy was damaged by economic slowdown and uncertainties such as structural adjustments, nationwide conflicts between labor and management, transference of companies overseas and office automation, leading to increasing unemployment and consumer products.
Accordingly such political factors as lower turnout among voters living in the cities and higher turnout among ones living in the countries, regionalism, level of electoral competition were found not to be significant in affecting turnout. Yet economic ones were constraints. Higher unemployment or consumer price index prompted to lower turnout while higher employment increased turnout rate. Thus in order to expand Korean turnout rate, complimentary system that would benefit voters would resolve Korean turnout problems. It should be the economic recovery that will serve the interest of turnout in the mid and longer terms.
The social capital refers to features of social organization such as network, norms, and trust that facilitate coordination and cooperation for mutual benefit. So the social capital referring to connections within and between social networks. Using social capital approach, this study explores the relationship and influence between the social capital and satisfaction of democratic development, with the quantitative research method. Analysis showed that it contained various results of the social capital, democracy, and civil participation in Korea and the Philippines. And this paper seeks to derive the political implication of social capital by evaluating and analyzing the influence of social capital variables
This thesis aims to study on the phase of Korean as international language and its future prospect. The present phase of Korean as international language is not rosy either gloomy. Frankly speaking, the position of Korean as a international language is seventh or eighth in world, but English has strong power as a international language. At present, we have to effort to make Korean as a powerful international language.
The first step for Korean globalization is Korean to be a Lingua Franca in East Asia area. It is difficult for Korean to be a international language. And the way till destination is too far and tough. And also, Korean in East Asia area is close to the position of Lingua Franca. The second step try to be Korean as a foreign language in world. For this purpose, we have to recognize the position of Korean as a international language.
This means that the future of Korean as international language should be needed the objective cognition about position of Korean in the world language. And then, persons who concerned Korean-globalization, teaching-Korean educators, officers working at government organization, have to effort to accomplish for Korean-globalization
This paper analysed the break down of Soeharto's New Order regime and transition to democracy in Indonesia. The New Order regime was founded by former President Soeharto in 1965. Soeharto built his regime on the basis of “Guided Democracy” left by his predecessor, Soekarno. The imposition of Guided Democracy in 1959 ushered the collapse of parliamentary democracy and replaced it with a system that provided no real checks on the executive presidency. In 1997 and 1998, Indonesia was hit with a severe economic crisis and also faced with political turmoil. In May 1998, President Soeharto had resigned after thirty-two years of dictatorship, brought down by a coalition of students, politicians, Muslim reformers, and moderate military commanders. Soeharto's downfall was accompanied by outbreaks of civil violence. The fall of President Soeharto created the opportunity for democratic reform. Since the demise of the New Order regime, Indonesia has had Four presidents—B.J. Habibie, Abdurrahman Wahid, Megawati Sukarnoputri, and Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono—all of whom took power by free election.
This study aims to take a look at the never-ending debates of positivism vs. post-positivism with a new framework of explanatory/constitutive and foundational/anti- foundational theories. Explanatory theories, which claim that the natural and social worlds are the same, either end up with determinism or with the focus on normative theories, both of which posing serious logical problems with the main aims of explanatory theories. On the other hand, constitutive theories which claim that our theories actually help construct the world is in harmony with our common sense and historical experiences. However, when constitutive theories take the position of anti-foundational approach, we find little differences among religion, philosophy, propaganda, and constitutive theories. This article hopes to find a new ground between explanatory/constitutive and foundational/anti-foundational theories. While most explanatory theories take the foundational approach, constitutive theories being anti-foundational, this study claims that the path of constitutive and foundational theories are possible. With the help of modern physics, characterized by Einstein's theory of relativity and quantum mechanics, this study shows that 'truth' can be relativistic and that we might actually create a reality we once thought them to be the 'objective' reality out there that is beyond our control. And yet, we can still have a foundational ground to judge which theories and thinking offer a better description of the reality out there.
This paper examines the problem of science-technology and citizens' participation in civil society from the life world's perspective. It discusses the Korean case of ‘science shop' as a new governance paradigm combining science-technology issues and life world.
First, it looks into the necessity of communication between science-technology and civil society from a humanistic point of view, and it traces the changes of political paradigm in civil society by observing the structural transformation of governance in the current science-technology policy area.
This paper mainly focuses on 'science shop' among various programs related to citizens' participation in the field of science-technology. It argues that 'science shop' will emerge as an important institutional space for policy deliberation by facilitating interactions between the government, science experts and ordinary citizens over science-technology issues
This paper will analyse how and to what extend have international initiatives to foster democratic change in Myanmar failed? The method adopted will be to analyse the policy of different actors of the international scene toward Myanmar.
Several methods for promoting democracy exist. Apart from being persuasive or coercive, methods to promote democracy can be of three types: political, economic or military. Sanctions comprise essentially economic sanctions and they can be conceptualised as a means of exerting what is called coercive diplomacy.
In 2003, as a consequence of the Depayin incident, the US decided to strengthen its sanction policy toward Myanmar. Regarding the goal of a change of regime or any democracychange of behavior from he military Junta, no significant results can be seen. The USpolicy of sanctions toward Myanmar suffers several shortcomings. The credibility of US sanctions is especially undermined by the attitude of ASEAN countries which oppose sanctions and are tenants of a policy of constructive engagement. There is no clear consensus among international actors about how to act toward Myanmar and this clearly impacts on US sanctions.
The first EU Common Position adopted on Myanmar dates from 1996, It encompasses measures of arm embargo, suspension of defence cooperation, suspension of bilateral aid other than strictly humanitarian one, visa ban on members of the military regime, members of the government, senior military and security officers and members of their families and a suspension of highgovernmental visits to Myanmar. A general fallacy of the EU policy toward Myanmar is that it lacks a profound analysis of the special context within which the country finds itself. The EU policy is characterized by an underestimation of the transitional challenges that Myanmar needs to confront.
In 1993, Myanmarsignaled for the first time its interest in becoming a member of ASEAN. The policy of ASEAN toward Myanmar has been characterized as one of constructive engagement. ASEAN support for Myanmar caused strain in relations with ASEAN western partners. It is indeed credible that Myanmar does not wish to be an embarrassment for ASEAN.
What are therefore, some hints of policy options that might reveal more effective toward Myanmar? The international community desperately needs a coherent Myanmar policy. Assistance is central in building the conditions necessary for a sustainable democratic government.
This study identifies effective interventions to eliminate bullying by comparing current policies in NSW, Australia and Kyunggi Province, South Korea. Researchers from a school policy unit recount how they tackle bullying through the school and community, enlisting the approaches of bullying prevention from MOE in South Korea and DET in NSW, Australia. A major difference is the dominance of a 'whole-school' policy. In Australian schools most bullies stay in schools, without suspension or expulsion if they don't commit a crime. The non-criminal basis adopted gives teachers the role of discipline provision and student welfare. An 'alternative school' policy used in Kyunggi Province sees most bullies separated from the group and it includes suspension or expulsion to prevent students from bullying. The criminal basis of disciplining, the use of alternative schools and collectivism is quite different to the Australian approach. School policies as broadly practised are student-centred in Australia in contrast to being teacher-centred in South Korea. Classroom practices are widely oriented towards 'proactive humane-training' in NSW, in contrast to 'reactive discipline' in Kyunggi Province.