KJC Korea
Journal Central

This article reviews current academic debates about the management of the Soviet system held in 1920-30s. The nature of the debate that took place immediately after Russian socialist revolution went beyond its time and place. By reviewing the thoughts of Vladimir Lenin, Iosif Stalin, Alexander Borganov, Nikolay Buharin and Alexei Gastev, this article will shed some light on the nature of the debate. In terms of analytic method, I investigate two mechanisms, the management mechanism and self-organizing mechanism, as key factors for the stability and development of the system. Any public body can be considered as a system containing two mechanisms - management and self-organization - together form a single mechanism of its adaptation and development. The core of the debate about the management of Soviet state results in the correlation of self-organization. During the formation period of Soviet state and the period of war, communism had been exhibited as an extreme imbalance of the system. To stabilize the state of the system, the management mechanism was adapted to the system. The management mechanism has been understood primarily as the homeostasis machinery, the mechanism to reduce the level of disorder of the system. When new economy policy was installed, there was a conflict between the subject attempting to extend managing power and the object attempting to extend self-organizational power. After industrialization and collectivization policy had been executed, the term of ‘управление’ was interpreted as ‘scientific control of social system to promote the welfare of the people’. The meaning of this term was acknowledged as the totalitarian nature, denying the self-organizational power of the system. Meanwhile, the controversy about national management was linked with Lenin's successor and to political, factional issues. Thus, the nature of the dispute included the features political struggle, and went far from the academic and political discourse.

The regions of Central Asia have each acquired an elevated strategic importance in the new security paradigm of the U. S military into post-September 1lth. The U.S. military presence in the region began before September 11th, the region became an important platform for the projection of U.S. military power against the Taliban in neighboring Afghanistan. But regions of Central Asia face more fundamental internal challenges, ranging from an overall deficit of democracy, and the related predominance of “strongmen over statesmen,” to economic mismanagement and widespread corruption post-September 1lth. The report offers an insightful pre-September 11 look at the strategic imperatives driving the US engagement in these regions at that time. And the report also gives information that the US engagement in these ‘sensitive’ regions must ‘review to what degree we are creating an implied commitment to defend these governments against both internal and external threats to their security and independence’. Also the important fact that US forces must address these issues ‘regardless of the depth of their commitment to the region’ but that ‘the current situation, however, suggests that they may have to face them somewhat sooner than expected’. The Central Asian region also shares a landlocked dependency, both in terms of relying on an external guarantee of security as well as in terms of economics and energy export routes. This dependency, combined with the internal weakness of these states, contributes to the challenges facing a sustained US engagement in the region

This article is a study on the Russia-Georgia conflict that took place during 2008 and how it changed the international relations. The Russia-Georgia conflict has changed the balance of power and the geopolitical situation in Eurasia. This article examines the causes, history, and the results of Russia-Georgia conflict and reviews Eurasia as a place of the 'New Great Game' between the United States and the European Union where it is trying to regain influence and Russia. Eurasia has been the center of world power and the collapse of the Soviet Union left the United States in a unique position. Through the Russia-George conflict, the United States exerts dominance and influence over Eurasia and for global hegemony. The Russia-Georgia conflict shows us that a new global security system is required for the regions of Eurasia. One of the possibilities of a new global security system is a trans-Eurasian security system. Russia's role in this region is to enhance the stability of Eurasia’s geopolitical pluralism, precluding the appearance of a single dominant power.

The main Purpose of this article is focus on everyday labour of North Korea that appeared on the research field in the 50s to 70s when the North Korea’s political system originated. For this purpose, try to recover the importance of acts of common people in North Korea such as production managers, labourers, and farmers who usually ignored in researches in South Korea so far. Up to today researches on North Korea had tendency to focusing too much on the inspection and control system of the country which designed to reinforce the hierarchical command system, therefore made image of North Korean people as passive individuals who regarded no free will and choice. But the daily routine labours of production field are not the passive area as it seems, it is rather specific spot of the life that various actions represented influenced by realistic conditions of the scenes of labour. Therefore, North Korean is active factor of society who chooses their actions by their wills not passive robotic people only follows orders of authorities. And various indications of active actions were already showed confidentially several places from the industrialization era.

This article aims at analyzing the origins and natures of the direct British control over parts of Southeast Asia in the 19th century by applying two major theories on the subject of British Imperialism, “the Theory of Official Mind” by Robinson and Gallagher, and “the Theory of Gentlemanly Capitalism” by Cain and Hopkins. While these two theories have been in fluential in the study of British imperialism in the third-world countries, the case of Southeast Asia has not been seriously dealt with inprevious scholarship. In case of Southeast Asia, these two theories should be applied without marginalizing one. From the analysis of three areas of the Malay World, Sarawak, and Burma, a conclusion can be derived that the British government maintained its “strategic concern” in Southeast Asia in the beginning of the 19th century aiming at protecting India and China, its major markets, while this trend began to change when Gentlemanly Capitalists in London began to be interested in the economic benefits in the region. Supported by the local British merchants and bankers, these Gentlemanly Capitalists pressed and petitioned the British government to take more actions to bring this region under the direct British control. Accordingly, Britain’s expansion in the region can be understood as the amalgam of “strategicconcerns” of the British government at the initial period and “economic concerns” of the Gentlemanly Capitalists in later period.

This study analyzes the factors contributing to the growth of bancassurance by categorizing it into macro perspectives and micro perspectives, after reviewing bancassurance practices in major European and Asian countries. In macro perspectives, there are three factors contributing to the bancassurance growth, firstly, degree of legislative support for bancassurance by government, secondly, financial environments such as scale of banks and density, pension system, independent financial advisors and existing sales channel, and public pension system, thirdly, consumption behavior in finance market such as bank image, culture of face-to-face business practice, usage of telephone and internet, etc,. In micro perspectives, there are two factors contributing to the bancassurance growth, firstly, selection of integration business model for bancassurance, scondly, simple and standardized bancassurance product for early settlement of bancassurance. The direction that Korean bancassurance should move toward requires, in the macro perspective, positive legislative support by government and readiness by insurance company for the drastic changes of financial environments and consumption behavior in finance market. In micro perspective, selection of integration model for bamcassurance is important and it is necessary for insurance company to develop simples and standard product during early settlement of bancassurance, but it is also necessary for insurance company to develop complex product to accommodate respective customers' needs. In addition to that, bank and insurance company requires close cooperation on marketing activities such as brand, multi-distribution channel and utilization of custmer database, and sincere consideration of cultural differences between bank and insurance company for human resouces management, and also should be prepared for risk management, IT system and after-sales management.

Representing Asian entities as ancient, eternal, and timeless, the West creates an imaginary time gap between the West and Asia. The modern image of the West is complemented by the backwardness of the Orient. I examine whether the two distinct temporal frames are still circulated in the current Western world. In order to answer the question, I examine the history curriculum of U.S. education. I collected the data of what teachers teach as part of world history and how they instruct students in the ancient Asian section which falls into the period before 500 AD. The data on the curriculum was collected through a questionnaire accompanied by a follow‐up interview. Thirteen history teachers from nine high schools in Spring County were participated in the survey. For the theoretical framework, I review the works of postcolonial scholars who unpack a particular set of ideas and practices intersecting with the hegemonic construction of the past. The data is discussed with the opinions of the postcolonialists. In the final section, I discuss how teachers can go beyond reproducing the Western discourses on Asia.

The Indonesian economic crisis was the result of inter-linkded internal and external factors. On the one hand, the Indonesian crisis was caused by the panicked flight of foreign capital which had flooded into Indonesia, Reckless speculative funds, such as Hedge funds, were rampant in Indonesia with the opening of the capital flows in 1990s. On the other hand, crony capitalism and moral hazard brought on the economic bubble and the bursting of that bubble had resulted in the economic crisis. The problem began with financial intermediaries-institutions whose liabilities were perceived as having an implicit government guarantee, but were essentially unregulated and therefore subject to severe moral hazard problems. To prevent the economic crisis, first the present international financial system should be modified. For instance, one possibility would be the establishment of a new Bretton Woods system based on the adjustable fixed exchange rate system, Second, since borderless speculative funds triggered the economic crisis, tighter limits on short-term foreign borrowing must be imposed. Third, the government-controlled financial system should be abolished to prevent distortions in the allocations of funds. Fourth, the Asian countries including Indonesia must launch a concerted program for domestic expansion, along with an increase in both imports and exports.

China-Taiwan relations have been changed under the influence of China-Taiwan policy established by China, Taiwan, and United States. Taiwan's China-Taiwan policy has supported not only achieving political independence but also maintaining economic exchange. Although economic policy is quite similar with Taiwan's, China has kept Taiwan's independence under the 'One China' policy. And U.S pushed ahead with a policy which put importance on stability and peace in China-Taiwan relations for their own national profits. As a result, exchange of people and goods has increased consistently between China and Taiwan and also the political relationship started to improve since the inauguration of Mayingjiu(Ma Ying-jeou) government in Taiwan. In this thesis, we will do research on the change of Taiwan's national identity and how that has affected China-Taiwan relations using Taiwan's internal identity as a major factor about it. In actual fact, achieving reunification and independence matters are based on Taiwan's national identity and they affected Taiwan's policy toward China because they can become important issues distinguishing different political parties. Consequently, it has led to a direct cause of the change on Taiwan-China relations.

This study is to inquire into U.K-France territorial conflict or dispute and agreement between U.K.. and France relating to the delimitation of territorial sea. The arguments for the English Channel(La Manche) and the Streait of Dover(Pas de Calais) are certainly occupied by two countries U.K. and France, as shown by the marine Pliocene deposits far up the Channel on the French coast. So on the reports of IHO, the naming of two borders were called "co-owner" by historic and international factord. At the case of Minquiers et Echros, the judgements of ICJ by Acquisition with Title, Acquisition without Title, relating to islands and rocks may be advantageous to U.K. interests in the western part of the region. Finally the Agreement of the delimitation of territorial sea between U.K.. and France may also assist to some extent in providing a better basis for reaching agreements on unresolved delimitation problems between opposite and adjacent states in the regions. The 1976, 1982, 1988, 2002 Agreements provides quantitative, albeit somewhat complex, formulate to determine the outer limits of the continental shelf and thus solve that particular problem. This states that the problems of ocean space are closely inter-related and need to be considered as a whole. While this is true, the world ocean is too vast and too complex to be treated as a whole for every purpose.

History textbook, designed to be used for educational purpose, tends to be considered as an emblem expressing a social or national identity. It is true that all kinds of differences between North and South Korea resulted from the more than a half century’s separation and different political and social ideology. Most of all, although two countries share the same historical background, it is obvious that there is huge difference in describing each country’s history. For instance, ““with positively analyzing historical events or facts, historians in South Korea tend to focus on establishing nationalistic legitimacy and promoting people’s pride of self-reliance Korean history.”” Yet, North Korea historians, based on proletariat social revolution ideology, tend to emphasize anti-foreign influence and building their country as a socialist state’s model. For these differences between two Korea’s historical views, it is appropriate to expect that the next generation of two Korea may have great difficulty in recovering their historical homogeneity when two Koreas are unified as one country. Thus, it is time for discussing the implicit meaning of such difference and searching for a history education method designed to actualize peoples’nationalistic identical unification. In order to realization peoples’ identical unification after the geographical unification, we need to modify our own history textbooks now. It is necessary for two Korea’s historians to consider the following indications of modifying history textbooks. First, the new textbook must be met a global and universal standards of international history. Second, based on the recognition of diversity in terms of describing a certain country’s history, the new textbook must cover the diverse viewpoints in describing Korean history. Third, historians for the new textbook must have neutral viewpoint in terms of their political ideology because they are to evaluate certain political events of current period. Fourth, Korean government needs to establish a new governmental organization that is autonomous and designed to modify Korean history textbook, for instance, ““the committee of history education for the unified Korea.””

This study focuses on the purpose that a cultural history of Gisaeng in 19 century pursues, mainly via the prose expressed in Noak-pah-job-gi. Noak-pah-job-gi is written by Han Jae Rock, a disappointed writer who comes of a decent family in Gaesung. He writes this cultural literary work on Pyungyang Gisaeng by himself running around the very front fields. Noak-pah-job-gi has an interesting feature which is the author’s cognitive territory defining Gisaengs isolated from their existing social structure as ‘femme fatale’. This is a new change in recognition of the author who regards very positively Gisaengs using empty speech as all-round entertainers using full speech. Noak-pah-job-gi is the only literary sketch showing the culture of Gibang(Gisaeng’s room) and the world of customary Gisaengs in those days. It is also something that even Lee Nueng Hwa who systematized the history of Gisaeng couldn’t find. The author spotlights true humanity by feeling sympathy and something humane. Its brilliant lyrical description of the vivid routines of Gisaengs in a red-light district is the first case found ever. Han Jae Rock strips the shiny appearance from the Gibang culture via  Noak-pah-job-gi, paying attention to a habitus which lyric individuals are mutually linking to each other. He, furthermore, has no fear to capture the beauty of sorrow and heartburning hidden inside Gibang as a bright sight. This looks like a grandness of the author opening up another field forming more mature sympathy. Therefore,  Noak-pah-job-gi can, on one hand, be pointed out that it has a limit of a male writer’s realistic narrow view. But, on the other hand, it can be the driver inducing a great literary work by a spatial creation of the reality. This record located between a Gisaeng’s customary history in modern times and that in Chosun dynasty, is very important in terms of that it contains a meaning of medium messenger or a literary work through modern Gisaeng culture and that of post-Chosun. In addition, This work is well expected to lead us to an important insight on a study of 19C lyric literature throughout Chinese literature, history, and Korean literature.