Journal of Asia-Pacific Studies 2021 KCI Impact Factor : 0.88

Korean | English

pISSN : 1225-8539 / eISSN : 2671-5171
Home > Explore Content > All Issues > Article List

2010, Vol.17, No.2

  • 1.

    Political propensities in the RussianFar East and Siberia

    강혜련 , Park, Jae-wook | 2010, 17(2) | pp.1~22 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    This study focuses on political atmosphere in Siberia and the Russian Far East on the basis of votings and surveys. First, this study shows that voting patterns in the regions are similar to those found in the Russian Federation as a whole: the grassroots of the regions appeared to accept policies of the center. Second, increasing support for the 'ruling party' has recorded in elections, particularly in large cities. Third, as a result of increasing role of the ruling party, conservative left wing seems to be marginalized. Political factions are merged with dominating ruling party in the regions, as well as at the center. Fourth, a high level of support for the ruling party are also apparent in the national administrative units, particularly under Putin. Such tendencies shows growing authoritarianism in Siberia and the Russian Far East. Fifth, survey results, however, are in contradiction to the voting patterns: the grassroots in Siberia and the Russian Far East often withdraw their supports for the center. These findings lead us to a conclusion that the political tendencies in Siberia and the Russian Far East has formed a rather complicated feature: support authoritarian center with their emphasis of reform policies. Such feature seems to be unchanged at least in the near future.
  • 2.

    East-Sea Rim as A Research Regionin Area Studies

    KWON Se Eun | 2010, 17(2) | pp.23~38 | number of Cited : 4
    Abstract PDF
    This paper reviews the East-Sea rim as a research region in the field of area studies based on the level of normative and epistemological perspective. When a area specialist investigates regional problems, he/she needs to answer a few of questions relates to normative and epistemological perspective, for instance, why do I need to study about a certain region? How do I conduct the research with this specific region?The concept of East-Sea rim as a research agenda has not been seriously recognized in scholarly field and seems to be used as an abstract terminology in social and natural science. However, the existential meaning of the East-Sea rim region tends to arouse researchers' interest and have become a generalized concept from the last decade. Therefore, the concept of East-Sea rim is regarded as a specialized research agenda which includes the necessity of systematized study. The purpose of East-sea rim research, as a whole, is to investigate and understand the regional mechanism which could be revealed in terms of the very existence of regional reality. I regard East-sea rim region as one of regions implying ‘complex adaptive system’ at the primary category, and presume the unit level of this region which cannot be reducible to the level of element. I also assume that the whole system of the region is not the same as a sum of independent parts. In sum, I emphasize, the East-Sea rim region needs to be recognized as a composite of multi-layered properties. In other words, it shouldn't be understood as a strictly hierarchical system organized in mechanistic manner, rather, it can be better represented as a form of ‘complex adaptive system.’ Such a system in which the behavior of the whole system cannot be predictable by focusing on the analysis of its components' behaviors, and each property of the whole system tends to emerge from the initial level into the next level - these multi-leveled analysis can be overlapped in the process of investigating.
  • 3.

    Dealing with the past in Czech and Slovakia - focusing on the re-interpretation of 'lustration' -

    Shin Kyu Kim | 2010, 17(2) | pp.39~60 | number of Cited : 6
    Abstract PDF
    Most of the post-communist Eastern European countries have been carrying out various projects to deal with the past. Measures to deal with the past are classified into judicial proceedings on the infringements of human rights which were done by communist regimes, truth-findings, reparations to the victims and personal vettings on his or her past behaviours. Although Czech and Slovakia had experienced common communist pasts from 1948 until 1989, they have been responding to the communist past quite differently. In 1991, when the Czech and Slovakia was single state as Czech and Sloavak Federal Republic, the federal parliament passed "Lustration law" to deal with the communist pasts. The aim of lustration law which was to vet high position officials whether they were agents or collaborators with communist secret police is to exclude some dubious high-positioned officials from their present and in the next some years positions. After the break-up of a common state in 1993, Czech republic have been pursuing the lustration law vigorously, but Slovakia has little interest in dealing with the past and did not enforce the lustration law until it's expiring in 1996. It was not until V. Mečiar was defeated in 1998 election that the dealing with past was started to be shown interest in public and political circles. The dealing with the past has been enforced in Slovakia until the Nation’s Memory Act which is on the disclosure of documents regarding the activity of state security authorities in the period 1939-1989 and on founding the Nation’s Memory Institute (Ústav pamäti národa) and on amending certain acts (553/2002 zákon) was passed in the The National Council. But in this case the Nation’s Memory Act is not alike in character with the lustration law in the Czech Republic. In fact the Nation’s Memory Act in Slovakia is not necessarily classified as lustration law which has been enforced in other post-communist countries. If so, why the Czech Republic and the Slovakia have been responding to the dealing with the past so differently is the question in this article. Although there are some factors why the Slovakia has pursued different measures to the past, I stress the two factors which have strong effects on the dealing with the past in Slovakia. Those are political games in Slovakia and different level of legitimacy on the communist regime between the Czechs and Slovaks. After all, the character of communist regimes and the mode of transition from communist regime to democratic one are important factors to analyze the causes and effects of lustration, but the specific political culture is essential to understand the dealing with the past and lustration in the Czech Republic and Slovakia.
  • 4.

    The regional integration process between Northwest Russia and European Union -focusing on the experience of the Hanseatic Leaguein the Baltic Sea region-

    Kim, Young Sool | 2010, 17(2) | pp.61~81 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    Russia and European Union are required the effective regional cooperation in the Baltic Sea region because of geographical changes and the relationship in Europe, the possibility of the bipolar system in Europe, and the conditions of the integration in the northwest region of Russia or the choice of modernization's changes. This article examines the possibility of regional integration through regional cooperation between Northwest Russia and European Union. This article analyzes the integration process and regional cooperation through the Hanseatic League in the Baltic Sea Region from globalization and regional integration perspective. At the level of regional integration, it is not possible that a Russia's European Union will become membership, and Russia has not the possibility of the FTA Agreement between Europe and Russia, formation of the customs union or a single market. There is no possibility at all the Economic Union and full economic integration between Europe and Russia. In addition, realization of a common European economic space remains as the object of theoretical discussions. This is a dilemma to Russia in the orientation of economic integration and protection of sovereignty. In this situation, the experience of the Hanseatic League has many implications. The Hanseatic League was the main direction of globalization based on the trade economic through the process the region of integration. The Hanseatic League was the key of localization, it is composed of cities, not countries. The Hanseatic League is based on free merchants network, border cooperation and free trade economic system. It played an important role for the Hanseatic economic community. Therefore, the New Hanseatic League is the most optimal format for the new regional integration in Europe and Russia. It is local resources. Moreover, the Hanseatic League is the unique and powerful tool which will give new opportunities to expand influence in the Baltic Sea to Russia.
  • 5.

    Study on China's Military Diplomacyin the Korean Peninsula: Definition, Strategy and Features

    김태현 | 2010, 17(2) | pp.83~102 | number of Cited : 4
    Abstract PDF
    The Purpose of this paper is to identify the definition, strategy and features of China’s Military Diplomacy(or Defense Diplomacy) after the Cold War focused on the Korean Peninsula, and to provide an implication for the ROK’s Military Diplomacy. Facing the situation of “Chonan warship” attack by North Korea, it became evident that China has an ultimate key role to solve the Korean Problem in a appropriate way. But it seems that South Korea failed to catch an real intention of china’s Security Policy how to deal with the issue “North Korean problem”. In this sense the subtle analysis on the China’s Military Diplomacy could make it possible to evaluate the current situation on a more balanced basis connected with a china’s diplomatic rhetoric, and to draw a grand map how the china’s national strategy looks like. The Conclusions can be summarized as follows; Firstly, objectives of china’s military are to shape the international security environment, to protect Sovereignty issues and to enhance PLA(People’s Liberation Army) modernization. Secondly, the Military Diplomacy is put into practice based on the geopolitical strategy, which can be considered as an extension of the concept of united front operations divided into struggle, cooperation and coopting. Therefore it is necessary for china’s military diplomacy to cooperate with the North Korea, to coopt South Korea, in order to struggle against the United States. Thirdly, the main efforts of china’s military diplomacy for the korean peninsula lie in the accomplishment of ‘Stability’ and management of the ‘Status Quo’ in this Region.
  • 6.

    An analysis on the relationship between the environmental regulation and the export specialization pattern in renewable energy industry

    Bongsuk SUNG | 2010, 17(2) | pp.103~125 | number of Cited : 6
    Abstract PDF
    In this paper, I examine whether stringent environmental standards increase the international competitiveness of renewable energy industries named porter hypothesis using dataset of trade flows of renewable energy goods disaggregated at the six-digit of Harmonized Commodity Description and Coding System, by performing export specialization patterns analysis and constant market share analysis. The data relate 1995-2007 and cover 40 countries, accounting for nearly 94.1% of world exports of the world exports of renewable energy goods in 2007. The results indicates that porter hypothesis, in general, is supported by the data in most countries in 1995 and 2007, showing that the number of and the export share of products transferred from comparative advantage position to comparative disadvantage position are more than those of the opposite, despite the increase of environmental standards in most countries in the period time. It suggests that the introduction of stringent environmental standards increase the international competitiveness of renewable energy goods in the light of the available data. However, further study on establishment of the model to support the results and further empirical analysis based on the model are needed to be performed.
  • 7.

    International Relations as an American Social Science and Academic Freedom: A Need for an Expansion of Research Programmes and the Discussion of Taboo Subjects in International Relations

    Yang Chun Hee | 2010, 17(2) | pp.127~148 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    A revisionist historian Howard Zinn once said that “you can’t be neutral on a moving train.” If you remain silent on a moving train that means you are already agreeing with the speed and the destination of the train. There isn’t anybody who is not aware that the study of international relations has been an American social science; and yet, nothing serious has been done to change the pattern. If IR scholars remain silent doing exactly what the mainstream IR community requires them to do, that would be like pretending to be neutral on a moving train. This article suggests that the positivist and realist paradigms, which have dominated the field of international relations for the past forty years, might have been working as the most effective tools to serve the rich and powerful by ‘legitimately’ silencing the dissenting voices of the existing world. This article maintains that IR scholars should study not only topics like democratic peace, hegemonic stability theory, clash of civilizations etc. but also taboo subjects like the military-industrial complex, the Bilderberg Group, the Council on Foreign Relations, Jewish lobby, the wall street, the Rothschild, 9/11, and even UFO. Given our academic freedom, we might be able to discover some amazing hidden power structures of the world.
  • 8.

    Kant's Perpetual Peace and Young Seek Choue's Oughtopian Peace Theory:A Three-Level Analysis

    오영달 , 하영애 | 2010, 17(2) | pp.149~171 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    This article makes a comparative analysis of Kant’s treatise on “Perpetual Peace” and Young Seek Choue’s Oughtopian Peace Theory. The analysis is based on the three levels in International Relations, i.e., individual, state, and international. Kant pays keen attention to the maintenance of adequate free and equal relations among individual persons as the starting point for perpetual peace. In the level of state, Kant emphasizes the existence of republican constitution and representative system in which people’s freedom, equality and independence are guaranteed because people would not agree to the illegitimate and burdensome war. In the international level, the pacific federation of republican states are the key stone for perpetual peace. In addition, the cosmopolitan right to hospitality should be recognized for foreigners. s Young Seek Choue was influenced by the Enlightenment thinkers, he shows some common characteristics with them including Kant. Nevertheless, he demonstrates his own unique theoretical viewpoints which are differentiated from Kant’s. In the individual level, Choue also emphasizes the importance of free and equal relations and co-prosperity based on his human-centrism. In the state level, Choue advocates a universal democracy as a synthesis of what he calls freedom-centric political democracy and equality-centric economic democracy. Again, he emphasizes the importance of co-prosperity of all the peoples of the world on the basis of the universal democracy. In the international level, Choue argues that humankind are moving toward regional cooperation society and regional common society and global cooperation society and global common society beyond the existing nation-states. In this context, he contends that the UN should be strengthened and play a central role in maintaining world peace and prosperity beyond narrow national interest. Choue's life-long meditation on and efforts for world peace cannot be overestimated. It is expected that the theoretical elements of his vision for world peace will be a crucial guideline for the contemporary and upcoming humankind.
  • 9.

    Italy between European Integration and Atlantic Alliance - Changes and Continuity of the Berlusconi Government's Foreign Policy -

    SONPHIL LEE | 2010, 17(2) | pp.173~197 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    This study is to revaluate the foreign policy of Silvio Berlusconi who is being criticized for having deteriorated the traditional Italian foreign policy. For this purpose, I try to reexamine his european and atlantic policies and assess what differences have his europeanism and atlanticism from those of 'the first Republic' and the Center-left. As seen in his attitudes with regard to the EMU, Airbus A400M, and EAW, the Berlusconi's criticism against european integration was personal and a means to protect Italy's national interest. And his europeanism and atlanticism had continuity with the traditional ones in that he tried to protect national interest during the process of european integration but did not oppose to the already created institutions. He decided to send Italian troops to Afghanistan and Iraq despite of the opposition from the public opinion. This policy was criticized from the opposition for being been against european approach and having delegated Italian foreign policy to the USA. He, thus, received a stern rebuke from the europeans as being anti-european and pro-atlantic. It is true that he favoured the USA to the European Union. But this has nothing to do with the anti-europeanism, but on the contrary is similar to the traditional Italian foreign policy. In spite of the continuity that we have seen, though, his europeanism was different from the traditional one. His europeanism was more realistic, while that of 'the first Republic' and the Center-left was a mixture of idealism and realism. Also his atlanticism was different from that of the past and the Center-left, because he played an active atlanticism, contrary to their passive atlanticism. I think that the evaluation about his foreign policy need to be conducted separately from the negative assessment of a brutal and corrupt businessman.
  • 10.

    The evaluation and implication on Chinese Soft Power - focusing on the result of international public opinion poll -

    이영학 | 2010, 17(2) | pp.199~219 | number of Cited : 8
    Abstract PDF
    This article presents that whether the strategic external goals that China is making an effort to achieve from the international society are consistent with its actual awareness, to evaluate Chinese Soft Power in an analytic manner. Considering that strategic external goals of Chinese Soft Power are to eliminate public opinion of anti‐Chinese like ‘China threat theory’ and to build up the positive national brand image as a ‘responsible power’ in the international society, this article utilizes the public opinion poll to measure on how the international society is aware of Chinese influence and the national image. The international public opinion poll on Chinese influence showed that ‘China threat theory’ has been almost disappeared and instead ‘China opportunity theory’ has been widely spread out in the developing countries and under‐developed countries. At the same time, however, ‘China responsibility theory’ is coming in the developed countries in and around USA and Europe, which demands more responsibilities from China. With regard to the evaluation on Chinese national image, the poll comparatively showed the big differences from the geographic perspective. Even though the 3.14 Tibet Riots and the negative report of western media made a huge impact, Chinese national image is being built on in a positive way as a whole. But it can be assured that there still remain many differences in comparison with the other major powerful nations and international organization. Considering that the awareness of the international society on Chinese influence and the national image, known through the international public opinion poll, is the most immediate results of China’s efforts to establish Chinese Soft Power, though gained achievements, there is still long way to go further. Therefore, I contend that China consistently focuses on economic development going forward, which is the core resources of Chinese Soft Power and at the same time, effectively manages the demand on ‘China Responsibility Theory’, political reformation and the other social issues, and especially reinforces the communication with western nations.
  • 11.

    A study on the French rhetoric and the diverse themes on stylistic doctrinesin 17th century

    Jongoh Lee | 2010, 17(2) | pp.221~239 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    In this study we observed the diverse themes on stylistic doctrines which are presented to the theorists of 17th century in French rhetorics. We watched the important arguments of the stylistic problems which are explained on the one hand by the influence of the ancient theories, and on the other hand by the precepts of Cicero, by “genera dicendi” of Quintilianus, etc Especially we revalued, from the composition to grammars, the stylistic function and stylistic role of the 17th century which refered with the forms of the style and the various stylistic devices of the theorists. To establish a stylistics of the 17th century, influenced with the principles and experiments which go back to Antiquity, we described, from the points of view of the rhetoricians, the rhetoric origin, and the role of school rhetorics, the style in rhetoric, the movements against rhetoric, the elements of the style, the ornaments and the passion of the figure, the metaphor and the figured language, etc Closing this study, our remark to note is that the theorists of the 17th century creates the true stylistic doctrines, its goal is to arrive to a detailed knowledge of the expressive processes, with the concrete concepts about the elocution and with the rules of the style. This is the reason for which we will find the identity of the traditional stylistic field.
  • 12.

    Chinese traditional recognition of the ocean and the meaning of the ban on the ocean

    Jun-Tae Lee | 2010, 17(2) | pp.241~253 | number of Cited : 4
    Abstract PDF
    Since the modernization era, the East Asian countries including China have been requested to draw up newly recognition of the ocean corresponding to expansion of the colonial power by the Western countries. Traditionally, China has different recognition of the ocean in which Chinese people regard the ocean as an extended border from the mainland. Yet, Chinese people seem to have their own marine culture which is equivalent to that of Western world. In fact, China has had advanced skill of shipbuilding and invented compass in the Tang dynasty. However, during the Ming and Ching dynasty, China strictly kept the ban on the ocean for governmental control of the sea, which had negative influence on modern Chinese history in terms of social and cultural development. Although there has been Chinese own historical marine culture which might be positively or negatively evaluated, China has failed to draw up very modern style of marine culture because of the ban on the ocean in the Ming and Ching dynasty. In particular, the Ming and Ching dynasty’s the ban on the ocean might be recognized as a historical obstacle to preparing new era of international marine culture. To look into the social and political reason for keeping the ban on the ocean during the Ming and Ching dynasty may help us to better understand the current Chinese people’s recognition of the sea and Chinese government policy orientation towards the ocean.