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This study is designed to review academic research focusing on “East Sea Studies” and “Japan Seaology” in Japan. There are particular characteristics of East Sea Rim region as an research agenda: the region of four countries (North and South Korea, Russia, China, and Japan)’s interests conflicting area, historical complicated region reflecting of contradiction between modernity and post-modernity, and the Cold War and post Cold War period, furthermore, the space of reality in which each country has implemented its own public policies based on regional situation in terms of political geology and political economy. No matter that there is reciprocal relationship among four countries and whether scholars focus on studying about regional economic and political issues or not, this East Sea Rim region should be considered as an significant area being worthy to be studied in the systemic and empirical research methods. The high level of public concern about East Sea Region has provoked to the necessity of studying the region as an important research topic. It has been recognized in the field of regional studies that, for the sake of searching a new research paradigm for East Sea Regional Studies, reviewing the previous related studies such as Japanese East-Sea Rim studies and research designs can be considered as a prerequisite for the theoretical and methodological development in this academic field. The main feature of Japanese regional studies relating to East-Sea Rim area, Japanese scholars are tend to focus on more practical policy issues such as the issues of dynamic relations rooted in the problems of modern and post modern society. It is appropriate time to search out new research paradigm in the field of regional studies which would help us recognize the nature and reality of East Sea Region.

After the Liberation, the history of the Korea-Japan relations has moved back and forth, from political antagonism to economic cooperation, and again to tensions concerning understanding history. Although the Korean and Japanese governments should maintain their economic cooperation under tripartite alliance led by the United States, understanding history has not been resolved between Korea and Japan. History is not only the memory of the past but also the problem of the present. In this paper, I focus on the role of civil society as the major actor in the Korea-Japan relations under the framework of new governance theory. The premise is that the Korean-Japan relations could be enhanced according to more extensive engagement of civil society on history issues between two countries. Unlike government, which could not change their basic foreign policy doctrines, civil society could be more flexible to make compromises because of its ideal-driven and informal characteristics. This paper examines two cases as the successful cases of cooperations between Korea and Japan civil societies. Firstly, there have been the continuing cooperations between the Korean and Japanese civil society groups for thwarting official adaptations of the right-wing textbooks written by the so-called Tsukurukai (the Japanese Society for History Textbook Reform). In addition, several Korean and Japanese civil society groups have cooperated in order to help the victims by the forced mobilization under the Japanese colonialism including “comfort women” who served as sex slaves for Japanese soldiers during World War Ⅱ. As a result of this research, I argue for the possibility of more desirable Korea-Japan relations throughout the civil societies of the two countries in the 21st century.

This research is to investigate possibility of further change in North Korea, by looking at how much there has been a change in North Korea perspective on South Korea as the ‘Kim Il-sung era’ has turned into the ‘Kim Jung-Il era’ and how much there has been a change on South and North Korean relationship. Abbreviation on analysis, Kim Jung-Il, rather than Kim Il-Sung has used positive/negative vocabulary on South Korea a lot and also there has been in not only a positive relationship but a negative relationship between South and North Korea. It indicates that a lot of negative relation cut a conspicuous figure in ‘Kim Jung-Il era’, rather than ‘Kim Il-Sung era’ though it has increased positive/negative relation not concerned with positive/negative recognition. Especially, it is not convincing that we could recognize it the more positive, the more negative relation. So, these results are not consistant with usual thoughts. Also, Interrelationship analysis of ‘Kim Jung-Il era’ on negative recognition and negative relationship shows us plus linear relationship (0.145). Interrelationship analysis on positive recognition and negative relationship show us much more plus linear relationship (0.455). Putting these various analysis together, Kim Jung-Il is more dynamic and has more hostile attitude toward South Korea than his father, Kim Il-sung. Summing up these objective analysis, this will come to the following tendency that North Korea has taken aggressive action toward South Korea through interchange and cooperation between South and North Korea rather than actual improvement between them. From national liberation to this day, fundamental relationship between South and North Korea has not changed a lot inspite of a number of interchange and cooperation between them. Instead, North Korea take aggressive bussiness action preferentially during South and North Korea relationship and improvement of relationship is used to clear up internal-external criticism just like an expediant accompanied by aggressive state undertakings related to South Korea. If North Korea had wanted to improve relationship between South and North Korea sincerely, they didn't aggressive state undertaking toward South Korea having talks. In conclusion, Kim Jung-Il has succeded like that and also deepend hostile consciousness of Kim Il-Sung during succesion of authority.

The purpose of this research is to analyze how international non-governmental organizations(INGOs) contributed to the 2010 Non-Proliferation Treaty(NPT) Review Conference in order to explore the role of civil society in nuclear disarmament governance. As a background case, this paper also examines the role and contribution of INGOs in the 2000 NPT Review Conference. In the case of the 2000 Review Conference, INGOs largely contributed to setting the issue of nuclear disarmament again on the agenda of international security governance. They also took part in promoting the international norm of nuclear disarmament. In addition, they played an important role in reaching a substantial agreement on nuclear disarmament among member states in the Conference by actively engaging in advocacy and lobbying activities designed to support and advertise the position of the New Agenda Coalition in favor of global nuclear disarmament. In the case of the 2010 Review Conference, INGOs drafted a Nuclear Weapons Convention as a starting point toward its conclusion, This role contributed to forming a basis on which to promote the norm of nuclear disarmament and to develop it into an international regime. They also took part in inducing member states to adopt the issue of a nuclear weapons convention as one of the key agenda in the conference and to actively negotiate with each other. Furthermore, INGOs successfully pushed member states to include the term, ‘nuclear weapons convention’ and its related content in the final document of the conference. In addition, INGOs played a role in causing member states to reach a concrete agreement on a nuclear free zone in Middle East.

This article point to examine closely the essence of Sino-Barbarian(華夷) dichotomy and Sino-centrism. This article also ask the origin of Korean Small-Sinocentrism, and explain the process what the Sino-centrism has spread to Chosun intelligentsia as a Little China(小中華) or Korean Sinocentrism, and the Silhak(實學) scholars’s solution as a Post-Sinocentrism. Originally the concept of Han nationality(華夏) and Yi nationality(夷狄) are quite distinct from each other, not use to cultural superiority. But in the Zhou(周) dynasty, Sino-Barbarian dichotomy has passed from a mere local problem to a contempt for all Barbarians in some regards. Sinocentrism is closely associated with cultural discrimination. Korea as a surrounding nations is influenced by the Sinocentrism, and then neo-Confucian scholars in the Chosun dynasty is simply following in the path of the Sinocentric cultural superiority, named as Korean small-Sinocentrism. But Chosun people's cultural superiority over Qing(淸) dynasty, overcome traditional Sino-Barbarian dichotomy by Silhak scholars, and an agitation of toadyism in Chosun follows penetration of Western powers. As a result, post-Sinocentrism at the end of Chosun wasn't based on internal introspection but formed blindly, the Korea of today fell into universalism of Western culture. And there is an establishment of an intellectual independence as an alternative idea. We need Korean identity in the real meaning.

The diaspora of East-Sea Rim has been one of the important issues in the recent discourses on the relationship and the politics of Northeast-Asia. The diaspora in East-Sea Rim has increased steadily in number for their own economic or political objectives. Consequently a serious political problem like a human rights issues in the border area has arisen. The core of the issue of diaspora lies in the strong territorial sovereignty of Northeast Asian countries. It means that despite the transnational capitalism and globalization of social environment the idea of modern nation-state has grown strong as much as modern politics as bio power and bio politics has grown strong. The diaspora of East Sea Rim has symbolic meaning as the issue of the territorial sovereignty that the modern nation-state in Northeast Asia has. In spite of this symbolic importance, a study of the diaspora of East Sea Rim is not enough. To understand exactly the reality of Diaspora of East Sea Rim, this paper brings up the discussion the representation of them in the independent film of 2000’s that is “Our School”(2006), “Let The Blue River Run”(2008), “Dooman River”(2009). “Our School”, “Let The Blue River Run”, “Dooman River” have represented the identities of diaspora as social minorities who were neither Korean nor non-Korean. The diasporic spaces in these films set such as Hokkaido Chosun school, Yanbian Korean Autonomous Prefecture and some village near Dooman River expose what is meant the diaspora to be a nationalist in the age of globalization. It is important that there is the other beginning that the diasporic narratives change from being Diaspora to writing and re-writing Diaspora.

This paper applied the technology acceptance model (TAM) to review factors affecting consumers’ intentions to purchase smartphones. Set as independent variables were five factors including ‘function & properties’, ‘security’, ‘applications’, ‘perceived cost’ and ‘social influence,’ which are associated with smatphone-specific characteristics; in addition to ‘ease of use’ and ‘usefulness’, ‘satisfaction’ was added to the parameter. This research model was empirically tested, using survey data for 318 residents in Seoul and Beijing. The paths of relationships among those factors which appeared to be statistically significant in hypothesis testing are as follows: function & properties→usefulness; security→ease of use; applications→ease of use; applications→usefulness; perceived cost→satisfaction; social influence→usefulness; ease of use→usefulness; satisfaction→purchase intentions; usefulness→purchase intentions. In particular, the usefulness (.297) compared to the satisfaction (.578) appeared to have greater impact on purchase intentions. The relationship between factors affecting purchase intentions appeared to show statistically significant difference between Seoul and Beijing. Social influence appeared to have significant impact on purchase intentions in Seoul, but not in Beijing. Beijing compared to Seoul showed more significant impact than usefulness. Consumers in Seoul seemed more interested in ‘application.’ In contrast, Beijing consumers appeared to react more strongly to perceived cost.

The followings are the most valuable lessons which Korea can learn from the U.K's experience in developing and implementing ODA policy. The first lesson is the need of comprehensive and strong partnership between the government and the private sector. The U.K's experience shows well how important strong partnership between the two is for the efficient and successful ODA policy. The second lesson is the cooperative and efficient institutional government system for ODA policy. The U.K government has made every efforts to improve efficiency of her ODA policy in particular since 1997. Both the establishment of DFID(Department of International Development)and the enactment of International Development Act 2002 are the good evidences showing the government's efforts. The third lesson is the needs of clear objective of ODA. The U.K is offering ODA to less developed countries with the very clear objective of eliminating global poverty. In fact this objective was very clearly confirmed by the Labor government which won the general election in 1997. The last lesson is that more active participation of the Parliament in developing and implementing ODA policy is important. Considering that the Parliament can give huge influence to the government in the ODA policy development and implementation, more participation of the Parliament in ODA policy is needed. Even though the governing system between Korea and the U.K is different, the U.K's experience shows us the need of more active participation of the Parliament in ODA policy indirectly.

This study analyses West Bengal assembly elections 2001 ending the 34 years of Left Front rule in the state. This paper attempts to find out the key factors in defeating the Left Front in the elections from the 3 major variables which have decided the results of state assembly elections in India since the mid-2000s. It, namely, focuses on issues of development strategy, governance and leader's brand power. The study shows that these three variables significantly contributed to the defeat of the Left Front in West Bengal elections 2001. Therefore, the Left Front in West Bengal has to make constant efforts to improve people’s participation and transparent process for policy decision making in their organizations, if it wants to regain people's support in the state. Further, the Front must foster a new leader with a strong base of people's support who can succeed Jyoti Basu and Buddhadev Bhattacharya. Above all, the Front has to concern a new development strategy which can overcome dilemma situation between rural development and industrial and urban development. Otherwise, the Left Front will decline further in West Bengal as it was in Punjab and be remained as a regional party in India.

The current and future stability of Central Asia remains in a dynamic and fluid state of flux. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, all five new Republics embarked on the road to democracy and national identity. Over the intervening years ruling elites have consolidated their positions, disparity of wealth has increased, whilst energy exploitation and the Global War on Terror have been acted out within the region. This paper will articulate the complex set of relationships between the Republics, external and trans-national actors. A hypothesis will be developed that will examine these relationships and the effects that they are having on the political, economic and societal aspects of Central Asia; and their direct and indirect effects on the regions stability in the short to medium term.

As evidenced in the global financial crisis of the late 1990s, the world’s financial regulatory authorities have not succeeded in keeping pace with the financial innovation. The ongoing global financial crisis revealed fundamental weakness in the structure of financial regulation. The crises have shifted the focus in global and domestic policy debates back to the notion of market failure and government failure separately and integrally. In this regard, this paper attempts to answer the question of what should be the appropriate responses to global financial integration, and thus provide a new paradigm for global financial governance. Finally, this paper will draw from a few suggestions which may be of some use to those involved in restructuring regional financial governance in East Asia.

The overall figures or a eco-political system of China that outstanding achievements have relied on is carefully coined ‘Beijing Consensus’ by political economists. The neology has been used to indicate the uniqueness of the Chinese eco-political system and to analyze the responses of the third world against the policy suggestions for development enforced by the Western developed economies and world economic institutions. However, the initiative concept has not been formalized nor has its reality been fully analysed yet. The present paper aims to fill this gap. By reviewing the Chinese development process, this study is to contextualize in a historical perspective the development process and its urgent challenges that the Chinese socio-political system faces. It shows that the radical reform process after the mid-1990s created both internal and external imbalances. Encountering these challenges, the Chinese leadership has taken since early 2000s a strategy to switching over to domestic consumption-led growth regime. However, this paper argues that this requires the reform of the entire social system including social security net and income distribution system as well as economic regime.