KJC Korea
Journal Central

At the end of 1956, North Korea demanded China to withdrawal the Chinese People's Volunteers from North Korea. Two reasons for North Korea's request for the withdrawal could be presented as follow: First, it was due to the intervention of China and the Soviet Union in "August incident" of 1956. North Korea held grievance against China after the intervention; Second, on November 1956, the collapse of Imre Nagy regime of Hungary by Soviet military forces had an effect on North Korea to require the withdrawal of the Chinese People's Volunteers. Around the end of 1956, China agreed to withdraw the Chinese People's Volunteers. There were two major reasons why China had decided to withdraw the troops. First, China wanted to avoid any conflict between China and North Korea, and tried to pursue stability in Northeast Asia. Second, China suspected that North Korea might have left the social camp, or been in conflict with China and the Soviet Union to take her own line. The withdrawal of the Chinese People's Volunteers was executed in 1958, but, in fact, the decision of the withdrawal was made in 1956. The issues surrounding the troop withdrawal clearly indicate that China and North Korea did not keep a cordial relationship that one may easily imagine. On the contrary, China and North Korea distrusted each other. In the matter of the troop withdrawal, North Korea had to consider the safety of its own regime, and China considered the issue from the perspective of its own national interests. In this respect, China and North Korea did not maintain relationship of the "lips and teeth" at least.

In this article, I analyzed the placeness of Huaihai Road, Shanghai,China. Placeness means the social meaning attached to the place by the members of a particular society who live in the particular place. A particular place is a social product which cannot be explained by its physical location only, but which is socially constituted from interactions and meaning-makings which take place in that place. The interpretation to that particular place needs analytical explanations of people who live there. Huaihai Road was constructed in the early 20th century when the French Concession tried to expand its boundary in Shanghai. When the road first appeared in 1900, it was called Baochang Road. In 1910the name of the road was changed to Xiafei Road, and after the ‘liberation’ of Shanghai in 1950 it was called Huaihai Road commemorating the victory of CCP against KMT at the battle of 1949in Huai Hai. Huaihai Road is the best-known consuming place in Shanghai where many famous global luxury brands are concentrated. The image of consumption comes to the fore, while some things are brought into intentional oblivion, things including humiliation of Chinese people in the era of Shanghai’s degradation to the status of treaty port, or everyday life of the residents living nearby Huaihai Road. In addition,the flourishing Huaihai Road can be said as ‘public amnesia of the socialist past.’ Many young Shanghainese have selective memory of refined modernity of past modern Shanghai and show their desire to the global modernity at Huaihai Road. There is one more important thing about Huaihai Road. The Shanghainese shape their own identities through Huaihai Road. They assert that the road is the place of their own distinguished from other place, especially from Nanjing Road where they think ‘waidiren’(i.e. non-Shanghainese) infest. Through this standpoint, Shanghai people say that Huaihai Road is the most representative place of Shanghai,and because of this they insist that they are Shanghairen. As Michel de Certeau has already said, the Shanghainese make social meanings of Hauihai Road by their practice of space.

This paper surveys the developmental state presented as the assumption described the East Asian economic development and debates on the application of the developmental state on China. The arguments that viewed China as developmental state are based on the role of the state, relationship between central government and local government and industrial policy. The cause of the rapid economic development in China is not the developmental state but increase of the FDI, export-led economy, migrant workers, etc. Of course, this paper doesn't oppose the role of the state in the NICs. But this paper argues that the economic development of the NICs including China is caused by the inclusion of the world economy and discovery of the niche market as export-led economy.

Following three aspects will help understand the power and the truth of how Tibetan society maintains its unity of religion and politics until modern times. First, it is Dalai Lama, the head of the unity of religion and politics, and high-ranking monks who are close to Dalai Lama. Second, it is Buddhist temples that hold strong influence to design and construct Tibetan politics and religious culture. Third, it is a power block of Tibetan noble families. However, the previous Tibetan society before 1951 formed the ruling class comprised of three types of lords, including government officials of a feudal local government, the nobles, and the high-ranking lamas of Buddhist temples, and their population only accounted for 5% of the total population. Among them, the aristocracy was the actual power group that created Tibetan culture and politics and took the lead in economy. Historically, the Tibetan aristocracy formed four types of classes as follows. The first class is Yabshi family. They are called "Golden aristocrats"consisted of parents of Dalai Lama and a family of Panchen Lama. The second class is Depon family. This family, the most influential group in Tibetan noble society, is traditional and authoritative and passes one power to blood-related descendants. The third class is midak family. This family used to dominate ministers of then Tibetan local government and actively pushed forward marriage among similar families to maintain families’ stability and status. At the time, this marriage culture affected other noble classes except for Yabshi family and led up to the universal sentiment that recognizes politicization of marriage. Lastly, although they are ordinary nobles, they are small self-made families that accumulated economic wealth by their own efforts and entered into the world of nobles. This article will analyze the noble families’ marriage forms, values, and marriage purposes. The analysis intends to reveal that the marriage of then noble families was extremely political by highlighting the difference from the marriage culture of common peasants and serfs in Tibet and additionally estimate the social background at the time to see reasons of the politicization of the marriage.

This study investigated the policies of housing supply in Seoul for urban housing shortage occurred in Seoul during the Japanese colonial period. The housing supply policies of Seoul were embodied by the operation of prefectural housing, construction of official residences and company housing, and creation of the complexes for poor people. Prefectural housing was created nominally for the poor, but in light of the housing shortage of wealthy government officials, its usage was altered into the official residences of Seoul. The residential areas for poor people were one of the policies actually implemented for them, but it was the plan that did not reflect the realistic demand of poor people. Thus, it ended up with expelling them from the center of Seoul and preventing them from being in touch with the urban areas. From then on, Seoul attempted to conduct policy change with the arrangement of stable residences for poor people, by designating poor districts within the urban areas, appeasing and embracing poor people. Such a policy was changed into the policy of housing supply for laborers for ensuring workforce by the strategy of continent logistics bases as the housing shortage became worse under the wartime mobilization system in the late 1930s.

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the strategy of de-Japanization of Japanese religious groups in Korea and the overcoming process of pro-Japanese complex which their believers had, and to re-evaluate the position which Japanese religion occupied in Korean religious culture. I investigate the history of Japanese religion which has grown up to be in anti-Japanese sentiment of Korean society and the cause by which Japanese religions have grown in Korea. Next, I clarify the process which the negative social stigma has been given to Japanese religions and their believers by anti-Japanese sentiment in Korea. Then, I grasp the formation and the content of pro-Japanese complex of Japanese religion believers which was produced by social stigma from Koreans. Finally, I analyze the reaction of Japanese religious groups in Korea to anti-Japanese sentiment of Korean society, and explain the process which Japanese religious groups and their believers have overcome pro-Japanese complex.

This study, which is based on the assumption that cultural context may play a role in the transference of conflicts, a phenomenon characterized by task conflict affecting relation conflict, two of the most representative intragroup conflicts, surveys 493 Korean and Chinese workers (256 Koreans, 237 Chinese) to compare survey groups against each other and verify the results. First of all, in the context of collectivism, it is assumed that conflict transference is easy to occur, and that is common among both Korean and Chinese workers who share the same cultural context, and the analysis agrees with the assumption. In addition, in an attempt to identify the differences between Korean and Chinese workers, the two groups are analyzed through comparison of the moderating effects of Leader-Member Exchange, or LMX. As a result, the moderating effect of LMX is found in conflict transference among Chinese workers, but this effect is not found among Korean workers. To explain such a difference, this study adds a layer of cultural diversity - verticalness and horizontalness - to collectivism. Lastly, implications and limitations are suggested.

The purpose of this paper is to share the results of a study that focused on the intercultural conflict and mediation from the perspective of integration in a multicultural society. To arrive at this aim, the researcher dealt with the following themes: the problem of social integration in a multicultural society, multicultural society and intercultural conflict, conflict culture and intercultural mediation in a multicultural society. The bottom line of this paper can be formulated as follows:Modern society as a multicultural society can be characterized by a paradox of conflict. To understand the intercultural conflict in multicultural society, one has to refer to the conflict theory regarding its agenda and central themes. In coping with intercultural conflict, not only the ethnic-cultural differences and diversities but also the problems of recognition surrounding the social-structural power have to be duly considered. Regarding the conflict culture for integration of multicultural society, one has to pay attention to the ambivalence and fundamental point of conflict culture. In relation to the intercultural mediation as a main instrument of conflict culture for social integration, it is desirable to refer to the model of intercultural mediation and to the intercultural mediation competence. Last but not least, intercultural mediation can be interconnected, on a broader horizon of interculturality, with the projects and discourses about the intercultural opening, diversity management, and anti-discrimination.

The ultimate purpose of this study is to seek method of formation regionality in the East Sea Rim regional studies. Yoshimi Takeuchi has proposed such a critical concept "Asia as a method of thinking" as criticizing western-centered idea of modern times by asking the question of ‘what means modern times for Asia.' This study adopts the Takeuchi's critical perspective in East Sea Rim regional studies. Especially, this study tries to speculate the Takeuchi's critical perspective in detail with the northern area which implies frontier and alternation. The regionalism could be discovered in the East Sea Rim region which is conflicting area with each states' strong and firm statism and nationalism, also with inflexibility characterized as changeable dynamics. This argument is far from understanding the East Sea Rim region as the institutionalized and sectionalized geographical category but close to recognizing it as a horizon of thinking. Therefore, the proposed method in this study, so called "northern area recognition as a method" can be regarded as an introduction of the East Sea Rim region as a horizon of thinking and the practice through the discussion in detail. The main topic of this specific analysis deals with the Korean poetries of modern times, which presented the meaning of northern area. From here, it proceeds to look into the area in the context of the cross-border recognitions which have not been focused in the field of regional studies. Related to lack of previous studies focusing on the northern area of East Sea Rim, this study suggests that there are poetries dealing with northern area in modern times recognizing the boundary of people and nation critically, showing democratic conscience solidarity among the many immigrants who have such emotions as the stateless person in further. That kind of emotions and thinking help us to overcome the imaginary boundary imposed by the western-cemtered modern times poetries when we begin to reread these poetries with the other point of view.

This paper tests the dynamic relationship between each country's export comparative advantage and technological capability in bioenergy technology sector using panel data from 20 OECD countries over the period from 1993 to 2008. The study implements heterogeneous panel unit root tests and cointegration tests, taking the normality and cross-section dependence test into account. The study finds evidence that there is co-movement among the series. Thus, the empirical model to test the casual relationship among the variables in question is based on the panel VECM model and implements panel GMM estimation to determine the dynamic relationships between the series to deal with a simultaneity problem introduced by difference and existence of heteroscedasticity in the genuine errors across industries. The long-run relationship emerging from the DOLS results indicates that 1 unit increase in technological capability increases trade comparative advantage by some 2.3 unit. The RSCA and CO2PC variables respond to a deviation from the long-run equilibrium in the previous period. In the causality results, this study finds evidence of a positive short-run and strong linear causal relation running from RSCA to TSCA, and a positive strong linear causal relation running for TSCA to RSCA.