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2013, Vol.20, No.3

  • 1.

    The Korea-China Maritime Borderline Demarcation as a Cooperation of Northeast Asian Region: Focus on the Ieodo

    Park, Chang-Gun | Kim Ji Ye | 2013, 20(3) | pp.5~33 | number of Cited : 5
    Abstract PDF
    This paper try to illuminate what forms does the Korea-China maritime borderline demarcation as a cooperation of Northeast Asian region unfold. The focus of this argument is examining political stances of the two countries in relation to the jurisdiction issue of Ieodo appeared in the negotiation process of Korea-China maritime borderline demarcation. To do so, this paper is analyzing how the Korea-China fisheries agreement affects in maritime borderline demarcation between Korea-China and is reviewing opposing arguments of the two countries through preceding research analysis around the principle of maritime borderline demarcation. In the Korea-China maritime borderline demarcation, the jurisdiction issue of Ieodo could be figured out the difference of opinions between the two countries from application-methods of international ocean regimes, the specific geopolitical environment of the East China sea and a political solution of the mutual strategic cooperative relationship empirically. Particularly, in this study, as a cooperation of Northeast Asia region, the strategic status of Ieodo by institutionalized collaboration is derived from political implications as the base for construction offshore development strategy, geopolitical military strategic point, and cooperation in marine science. As a result, this research is focusing on developing the idea of cooperation in the Northeast Asia by re-examining the strategic status of Ieodo so as to supervise conflicts and confrontations of the two countries effectively in the Korea-China maritime borderline demarcation.
  • 2.

    Chinese and Russian advance to the northeastern part of North Korea and the geopolitical meaning of the East Sea

    이영형 | 2013, 20(3) | pp.35~67 | number of Cited : 7
    Abstract PDF
    This aims to interpret the conflict structure of the East Sea in a geopolitical standpoint. The Chinese-eastward and the Russian-southward advance policies are to set their benefit lines in the northeastern part of North Korea and the East Sea and to control and manage the East Sea through North Korean ports. Against the movement of continental powers, countermeasures of marine powers are strongly implemented. It has been pointed out that American and Japanese geopolitical strategies are implemented to react to North Korean political actions. However, they are, in fact, blockade policies of marine powers against the expansion of political actions of continental powers. American support for Japan to secure the right for self-defense collectively is acknowledged as a geopolitical strategy with which marine powers jointly react to the expansion of influence of continental powers. China and Russia are competing with the issue of controlling the northeastern part of North Korea and ports along the East Sea. China advances to the northeastern part of North Korea in order to secure the exit to the East Sea. China intends to use the East Sea of North Korea as their inland sea. As Russia is threatened by this, they actively started the railway connection to North Korea and repair work of the Najin port. Russia intends to use Najin port as their logistics base. The relationship between South Korea and Japan, which are marine powers, turn the East Sea into a stage of conflict. The conflict structure arising from the place name of the East Sea, the dominium of Dokdo, and the Japanese execution of collective self-defense right may change the geopolitical characteristics of the East Sea. The geopolitical characteristics of the East Sea have been changing. The geopolitical strategies of continental powers and marine powers are dividing the East Sea into two and the divided marine spaces may be divided again. In the upper part of the divided space, the competition between China and Russia on rights may make the geopolitical characteristics of the East Sea complex. Also, in the southern part of the East Sea, the conflict relationship between South Korea and Japan may change characteristics of the East Sea. Thus, it is required to build the East Sea rim security consultative group with the leading participation of South Korea.
  • 3.

    Understanding Electoral Phenomena of Korean Regionalism from the Perspectives of New Institutionalism:Focusing on the Path-Dependency of Regional Party System

    KIM SUNGSOO | 2013, 20(3) | pp.69~99 | number of Cited : 9
    Abstract PDF
    It is a general assumption that the regional voting pattern have been reinforced in Korea political arena, since 13th presidential and 13th congressional elections after democratic transition of 1987. This paper uses new institutionalism approach to trace the reasons for reproducing voting patterns of regionalism rather than modernization and rational choice theories, previously dominantly used for explanation. The regional party system apparently became an active institution, mediating the connection between society and the state since 1987. To understand this trend, the concept of path-dependency will be applied to analyze its constancy and reproduction. Through path-dependency, this paper will assist how the regional party system of Korea was originated by so-called‘contingency’approach; how the path-dependent developmental process provided the formation of new political party(Democratic Liberty Party and the DJP coalition); and how the Uri Pary tried to overcome existing regional party system in terms of institutional reform during Roh’s regime.
  • 4.

    Women’s Political Representativeness in the Local Electoral System in Japan

    Miae Jung | 2013, 20(3) | pp.101~130 | number of Cited : 3
    Abstract PDF
    Women’s representation in Japan’s local politics, though certainly not very high, is rather striking when compared with the situation of Korea, where a zipper system and a set quota ensure a certain share of female politicians. Japan, even without such artificial schemes, manages to maintain a more or less same level of political representativeness for women. What accounts for such relative success? In answering that question, this paper (1) profiles female lawmakers and heads of municipal governments of Japan, (2) probes the Japanese electoral system and party policies for promoting women’s political participation, and (3) assesses the role of women’s groups, especially the Seikatsusha Network, which has been grabbing attention even of Korean observers. In light of the recent Japanese experience, this paper concludes, Korea may need bold initiatives in preparation for the upcoming local elections in 2014. Instead of the controversial party nomination and quota system, a multi-seat constituency and a local party system may be just what Korea needs for raising women’s representation in local assemblies.
  • 5.

    North Korean Defector and Abductee Problems:Searching for Human Security Perspective Solutions

    Yongmin Kim | 2013, 20(3) | pp.131~157 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    This paper examines problems with regard to North Korean defectors and abductees by exploring previous studies by Korean and Japanese researchers and trying to prove why human security perspective solutions are relatively predominant on this issue. Existing North Korean defector and abductee countermeasures by the Korean and Japanese governments were established based on realist, liberalist, and constructivist international relations theories; however, both countries face difficulties in solving problems. In this paper, it can be solved using the human security approach, which has many advantages with regard to personal and family matters, such as North Korean defector and abductee problems, and in the circumstances in which the South Korean–North Korean talks have reached a deadlock, human security can be great solution.
  • 6.

    A Study of the "Trust Building Process on the Korean Peninsula" Proposed by the Park Geun-hye Government

    Cheong Seong-Chang | 2013, 20(3) | pp.159~193 | number of Cited : 8
    Abstract PDF
    An analysis of the plot for the "trust building process on the Korean Peninsula," as proposed by the new South Korean government led by President Park Geun-hye, has indicated that her government is attempting to improve inter-Korean relations and attain North Korea's denuclearization through bilateral talks between the two Koreas, plus international cooperation. This approach could be more reciprocal and practical than the idea put forward by the Lee Myung-bak government, which calls for the North's denuclearization and opening-up in exchange for South Korea's role in helping the North increase its per capita income to US$3,000, an idea that made the North's abandonment of its nuclear capability and nuclear weapons development program a prerequisite to the development of closer inter-Korean ties. Undoubtedly, the process for trust building on the Korean Peninsula is a more flexible idea than that for "the North's denuclearization, opening-up and $3,000 for the North's per capita income." But it might be less generous than the North Korea policies pursued by the South Korean governments led by President Kim Dae-jung and President Roh Moo-hyun, which attempted to engage the North, based on their self-confidence, and develop a closer inter-Korean relationship, because it follows common sense and international norms in relations between the two Koreas. The government authorities of the two Koreas need to meet and converse frequently, and abide by their agreements in earnest, among other things, to promote mutual trust. The Park Geun-hye government needs to change its posture toward the North in a way that promotes cooperation with the North in another round of talks between the prime ministers of the two Koreas whose meeting may follow the attainment of normal operations at the Kaesong Industrial Complex and the resumption of meetings of members of the same Korean families who are divided by the border. It is desirable for the premier-level inter-Korean talks, if any, to review the ways for implementing the Oct. 4, 2007 declaration made jointly by the two Koreas, in consideration of a change in their environments, and institute an inter-Korean joint commission for economic cooperation. In case the premier-level inter-Korean talks succeed in activating cooperation between government authorities of the two Koreas, the two Koreas need to hold their third summit and make an attempt to adopt a new basic agreement between them, or a new declaration of their leaders, which covers all issues mentioned in the declarations by their leaders on June 15, 2000 and Oct. 4, 2007. There might be environments in North Korea conducive to its denuclearization and improvement of its human rights situation, if and when talks between government authorities of the two Koreas succeed in building their mutual trust ― even in the political, military arenas.
  • 7.

    Comparative Analysis of the Laws and Institutions Related to Academic Research Ethics of Major Countries

    Han Sang-Yun | Eunonk Im | 2013, 20(3) | pp.195~228 | number of Cited : 7
    Abstract PDF
    Since the launching of the OECD International Research Integrity Committee in 2007 devising a mechanism for international cooperation has emerged as an important issue to enhance research integrity. Although the concept of research ethics may differ among countries there are basic principles of research ethics that each country should value to enable such collaboration. This paper aims at reviewing laws and institutions related to research ethics and integrity of Norway, Denmark, Finland, USA, UK, Canada, Australia, Japan and Korea to find similarities and differences and to propose alternatives for Korea, which seems to have developed a medium-level research integrity governance system like UK and Canada.
  • 8.

    Social Network and Transnational Identity of Marriage Migrant Women : a Focus on the Process of Adapting to Life in Korea

    Jin Bae Sul | 김소희 | Eun-Hee Song | 2013, 20(3) | pp.229~260 | number of Cited : 29
    Abstract PDF
    The purpose of this study is to investigate the relationship between the social network and transnational identity of marriage migrant women. To this end, this study uses in-depth interview surveys to analyze the process in which the social network and transnational identity of marriage migrant women are formed in Korea. The results of the analysis are as follows. First, the social network plays an important role in the migration of marriage migrant women. These women migrated to Korea through a social network and continued to expand their network after coming to Korea. Through this process, marriage migrant women are able to acquire a sense of belonging in Korea and enhance their self-esteem and psychological stability. Second, marriage migrant women do not want unilateral assimilation: they wish to gain full rights as a Korean citizen. The motherly love of these women for their children plays a key role in this matter. Third, because the construction and maintenance of social networks for marriage migrant women include networks within Korea and with their mother country, the practice of these women as transnational actors is largely affected by their adaptation to life in Korea. This implies that the concepts of transnationalism, adaptation and social integration are not in a mutually exclusive relationship, but are rather open to interaction.
  • 9.

    Logistics of Writers’ Mobilization : Focusing on ‘Congress of Scholars of East Asia Co-property Literature’ under the War in the Asia-Pacific

    LEE, HYEJIN | 2013, 20(3) | pp.261~300 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    Japan, the empire in the end of the colonial period and the Congress of Scholars of East Asia Co-property Literature, the international meeting of typical writers in colonies and occupied areas are applicable to final instances which decide direction of ‘national literature’. If the end of culturism and the conversion to nationalism were early forms of the conversion theory of Joseon literature, 『National literature』 was changed to the ‘the total Japanese magazine’ from the combined number in May and Jun., 1942, ‘Japanese’ was raised to Common Japanese in the Greater East Asia and distributed, and the Japanese Ancient World was adopted as the main subject of ‘national literature’ as a means to strengthen ‘the Japanese spirit’. Choi, Jae-seo lately changed his name and finally looked up to it because the Congress of Scholars of East Asia Co-property Literature which was planned three times with organization of ‘Japanese Patriotic Association’ acted as decisive opportunity. Therefore, as ‘the Congress of Scholars of East Asia Co-property Literature’ created a kind of strong stratum under the super ordinate concept of ‘National Literature’ in Joseon in the colonial period, it got to compose ‘the Greater East Asian Literature’ setting a goal of completing ‘a scripture’ later. And strengthening of the ‘Japanese spirit’ which set the cause for Japanese form of state spirit was provided as a means to cultivate the heart of writers in the colonial period through trips to worship to the holy places in Japan. However, as historic imagination about Joseon’s and Japanese Ancient World kept permanently because of cultural senses of superiority, they could not understand each other. Therefore, the true ‘Greater East Asian Literature’ could not be created in the end and concluded in the independent event of the Empire of Japan and the colonies.
  • 10.

    Cyber Security for the Construction of Northeast Asian Community

    Kyu-young Lee | Kim yoo jong | 2013, 20(3) | pp.301~330 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    The article aims at underlining the necessity and importance of cyber security and try to search for implications and suggestions for the construction of the Northeast Asian community and policy cooperation regarding cyber security. In every aspect, society is becoming increasingly dependent upon information and communications technology (ICT). As a hub of personal, political and commercial activity, the internet has become indelibly important. In addition, connecting cyber space with national security, a militaristic war without guns has already started in cyber space among the most powerful states in the world. In recent years, the security climate in Northeast Asia has deteriorated. This is of course due in part to the naked provocations of nuclear weapons and also due to hidden cyber attacks from North Korea. However, the energy security agenda is not as important as cyber security. In short cyber security is also gaining consideration, such as the military power of nuclear threat in these areas. The main discussion will be concerned with these emergent threats in cyber space, the necessity and importance of cyber security in Northeast Asian areas, and the implications and suggestions for the construction of Northeast Asian community and policy cooperation in cyber security. Focusing on these principal aims, this presentation consists of four major chapters: 1) Introduction; 2) The changing security environment and the cyber security in general; 3) Security environment and the cyber security in Northeast Asia; 4) Suggestions for the construction of the Northeast Asian community and multilateral policy cooperation in cyber security; and 5) Conclusion.