KJC Korea
Journal Central

The purpose of this research is to identify the controversy surrounding the CSSTA(Cross-Strait Service Trade Agreement) in terms of recent changes of social conflict structure in Taiwan. This paper argues that the problems of social class and generation effect make the social conflict more complicated unlike previous studies which focused on ethnic tension or Independence debate in Taiwan. Especially, we tried to take note of the potential division in Democratic Progressive Party(DPP) due to class distinction. This is based on the native Taiwanese entrepreneurs who are the supporters of CSSTA in contrast with the position of DPP. We also pointed out that the ‘Sunflower Student Movement’ has caused by generation problem, noting the unemployment rate among youth people between 20-24 has further increased differently from the other age groups since ECFA(Economic Cooperation Framework Agreement) signed in 2010. This study expects that the concept of ethnic, class interests and generation gap will make the social conflict more complex in Taiwan hereafter.

This paper analyzes the role of public opinion on the Internet in China's foreign policy making decisions with regards to the third North Korean nuclear test. According to this analysis, the Internet as a forum for public opinions has emerged as an important variable that cannot be ignored in foreign policy decision-making. This is because the internet is an important virtual space that not only allows for the formation of public opinion with regards to China's foreign policies but also discusses the direction of these foreign policies. However, rather than exerting a decisive influence on foreign policy in relation to important security-diplomacy issues, the Internet public opinion appears to be utilized as a resource that can exert diplomatic pressure onto China's counterparts even if national governments consult with each other directly. This means that public opinion on the Internet operates as a passive tool that is utilized by the government, although it is starting to play a more important role in foreign policy-making related to diplomatic and security issues.

This paper tries to empirically investigate whether the information contained in business confidence may be statistically useful in explaining stock return regimes and regime switches in Asian markets. This paper uses the Time-Varying Transition Probabilities Markov regime switching model with business confidence as the mediator of regime switches. Using the Business Confidence Indicator(BCI) and stock returns of five major Asian markets such as Korea, China, Japan, Indonesia and India, from January 2003 to August 2013, this study finds that the BCI has an effect on the regime transition probabilities of the bull markets.

The aim of this paper is to examine political conditions that invalidate the usual causal mechanism between amnesty and peace. Debates on transitional justice often center on amnesty versus prosecution. The problem is the balance and tradeoffs between justice and peace: it is assumed that perpetrators of abuses will act as spoilers of peace processes when they are prosecuted, leading to continued conflict, while amnesties bring about peace. The recent political crisis in Thailand, however, was triggered by the blanket amnesty bill. The political context of the 2013 amnesty bill was different from the previous conditions that enabled amnesties to work as a part of transitions. As a result of political changes since 2006, Thailand saw the emergence of mass movements who counter each other, often acting as “reversed spoilers” against amnesties. Moreover, King Bhumibol’s authority as the final arbiter weakened, precluding the resolution of political conflict “à la Thailand” since 1973, which had always included amnesties.

International migration exposes citizens of developing countries to different political, economic and social institutions in other parts of the world. Social remittances research suggests that international migrants absorb democratic attitudes such as trust and tolerance by socializing and participating in the democratic host country and spread them back to the home society. Yet this argument builds primarily from the experiences of what is essentially U.S.-Latin America migration. I use survey data from the Philippines, a developing country that sends migrants to both democracies and non-democracies, to examine whether migration changes citizen attitudes toward democracy at home. The findings challenge the social remittances argument that migration may contribute to the spread of democratic attitudes. Immersion in democratic cultures does not turn migrant households into principled democrats but likewise fails to spreads non-democratic values. Migration appears to play a limited role in shifting deep-rooted orientations of citizens―after all, it may not be a substitute for home-grown political change. I then speculate that what may be transmitted via migration is not so much democratic beliefs or practices but migration-induced exposure to high-quality government services, efficient public administration delivery or low corruption.

he purposes of this study are to analyse the identity policy of Korean-Chinese and to explore the possibility of their mutual co-existence in Korean society. This research will investigate the way of changes of adaptation by the activities of collective movement of Korean-Chinese centrally in Korean. The findings of this research shows how experiences enhance the self awareness and changes of institutionalization and culture in demand by members of Chinese Korean society as consumer and also, shows the pattern of organizing the changes of identity on the basis of various fields of migration. Korean Chinese is required to achieve the recognition of member in the Korean society by reducing the confidence gap gradually. In consideration of these changes, Korea, in future, should establish social integration policy through interactive communication rather than one-sided assimilation.

The study has the purpose to find a perspective that can live Koreans defectors area around the settlement and employment measures. To do this, first look at the related settlement areas of North Korean defectors and employment status and the existing theoretical discussion, through the questionnaire and analysis of the North Korean defectors living in Daejeon city is located in the central region of their settlement in employment and in the community employment issues were discussed and the countermeasures for the sustainable and stable fixing to go take a look at that.

This article has been analyzed the correlational relation between military capability and petroleum via examining the transition of GPR(Global Posture Review) after Cold War. Over the last five decades(1941-1991), America had been declared tremendously large number of military strategies. However, there had not existed distinguishable transition on GPR. It was til 1990s that the U.S. had not shown any movement on changing GPR. Arriving at mid-1990, America expanded its military bases into oil-producing areas, such as Middle East, Central Asia, and Africa. US military expenditure has also been hugely enlarged compared to Cold War era. This research has been clarified economic interests had driven GRP into the oil-producing areas. After the serial warfares after Cold War (1990 Gulf War, 2001 Afghanistan War, and 2003 Iraq War), US oil industry advanced into Caspian region, Libya-the former rogue, and Africa where US bases had been dispatched. Via looking at the mentioned cases, this article draw a following conclusion; at macro level, geoeconomic power of petroleum has driven the direction of diplomatic policy, whereas at micro level, individual profiles of the promoting group has given an impetus to the policy making process. Especially, during J.W.Bush administration, it had been plausibly apparent for the U.S. to attain its national interests utilizing GPR in order to sustain its hegemonic power. Oil has been treated as vital national interest for America who has been the first oil-importer and oil-consumer since 1980s. To obtain its goal, the U.S. has made use of hard power(economic and military power), ultimately for her to reign as a hegemonic state.

This article aims to interpret the material realities of Korean women(mostly 40s-70s) in U.S. camptowns. Based on the field research in 2006 and 2007, this article explores the women's own perceptive on their lives and identity question. This article started from two findings during the fieldwork research. First, women’s narratives were centered on work, adjustment and current situations rather than liaisons with foreign soldiers and sex trade itself. Second, most informants neither identified themselves as sex workers, nor did they deny that they are not sex workers even when they clearly spoke about knowledge of the sex trade. I have suggested main reasons for their reticence through various forms of dis/identification from social class, sex trade as a form of work throughout their entire lives: Sex trade is work in that it is on the continuum of other informal and temporary jobs. It includes legal marriage to GIs their dis/identification is not grounded on sex trade itself but, rather class and the form of work they exert various forms of identities ranging from identification, dissimulation to disidentification from social positions. Thus the narratives of their past and the experiences of the sex trade is adjustment rather than total denial or shame(by not speaking about the experience of sex trade). This includes subtle, qualitative transformation such as ‘abundance from hard labor’ from the subsistence perspective and ‘pure vitality from poverty.’ It implies that suffering such as poverty involve not only violence but also embed the possibility of recuperation and patience that make them move forward for better life.