Journal of Asia-Pacific Studies 2021 KCI Impact Factor : 0.88

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pISSN : 1225-8539 / eISSN : 2671-5171
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2015, Vol.22, No.2

  • 1.

    The Conceptualization of the Complex Network of East Sea Rim

    KWON Se Eun | 2015, 22(2) | pp.5~26 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    This paper attempts to conceptualize regionality of East Sea Rim based on the notion of a complex relationship and its network. Modern philosophy demands more weight to be put on the notion of a relationship than the notion of substantiveness in such a study. Relational conceptualization is widely accepted in the discussion of region as an entity and perception. There is a multiplex of actors such as the state, market, civil society and locals that interact at global, regional, state and local levels. There is multiple stratification of the process of nationalization, regionalization, and localization. However, the perception on a region’s multi-layered relationship varies from the center of entity to its connectivity. As the notion of region has expanded from territory based idea of nation-state to network-oriented supranational concept, discourse on special aspect of region has also been justified. This paper argues that the such a new perspective that can explain this development in more comprehensive terms can be found in such theoretical terms as multi-layered and multi-dimensional regionality of East Sea Rim.
  • 2.

    Political Economy of Border: China’s Northeast Development and International Cooperation in the East Sea Rim

    Dong Wook Won | 2015, 22(2) | pp.27~62 | number of Cited : 6
    Abstract PDF
    This paper aims to suggest new role and tasks of Busan as a logistics hub in the East Sea Rim region and the Northeast Asia, focusing not only on China’s Chang-Ji-Tu Project and its cross-border cooperation which is ongoing in the Tumen region as a border of Northeast Asia, but also on the progress and perspective for international logistics cooperation in the East Sea Rim. The eastern coast area of South and North Korea is still underdeveloped except some areas. Although China’s Northeastern provinces, the Russian Far East and Japan’s western coast area have each new development plan, they also represent a ‘border’ which is underdeveloped in each country. However, according as China has driven forward the Northeast Development Strategy since the early 2000s, the Tumen region visualized the appearance of open border and cross-border economic zone through various policy coordinations among its surrounding nations. The cooperation related logistic infrastructure and network construction is a core element of international cooperation in the East Sea Rim region and has made breakthrough. In spite of positive perspectives on the development of the East Sea Rim, this region is exposed to a question of H/W and S/W in logistic side, apart from many problems such as escalating tensions between the two Koreas, mutual competition and control between China and Russia, Japan’s negative attitude on international cooperation, and so on. Busan of a competitive city in Korea can give possibilities to international logistic cooperation as a logistic hub in the East Sea Rim. Therefore, Busan needs to develop international industrial complex for creating the quantity of goods transported, to expand logistic infrastructure and network, and to coordinate the regional local government conferences and establish the cooperative network among various actors such as local government, business interest, social groups in the East Sea Rim region.
  • 3.

    A Study on Sino-Irani relationship and its development in the circumstance of China’s rising influence in the international area

    Shin Kyungwhan | 2015, 22(2) | pp.63~94 | number of Cited : 3
    Abstract PDF
    The rise of Chinese power will change shape of current international structure. However, most people do not agree traditional concept that one rising power must bring the end of current balance of power. In today’s world we are more interested in the shape of new international structure that included powerful China. Middle East would be best place that show us new shape of international structure. China as a huge trade nation demand constant supply of oil and resource. Thus, China is tactically approach Middle East and it will make some dispute between China and US. This study will analysis China’s policy toward Middle East by analysing China’s strategy toward Iran which is one of the biggest hostile nation against US in the region.
  • 4.

    Debates on Economic Functions and Roles of Small Property Rooms(SPRs) popping up during Rural Land Reform in China

    Kim, KyungHwan , LEE JEONG PYO | 2015, 22(2) | pp.95~123 | number of Cited : 3
    Abstract PDF
    Under the Dualistic Land System, China’s Housing is divided into Big Property Rooms(BPRs) and Small Property Rooms(SPRs). SPRs are related to diverse issues such as reforming rural land, increasing farmers’ income and meeting demand for low-cost housing in the cities. And it is as important as its residents reach up to a population of 200 million. In checking why SPRs have increased, this study is to clarify its economic functions and to predict how the Chinese government will deal with the issue in the future. The results of this study are as follows. First, SPRs are houses which are not given to members in the community but sold to individuals or companies outside. They are illegal buildings because rural houses in China must be built for the farmers in the community to live in. Second, though urbanization has increased the demand for houses, the housing supply for families in middle and low income classes has fallen short. Therefore, SPRs have grown due to such a rise in demand. Third, a poor legal system and lax supervision keep SPRs expanding illegally. However, the people’s sentiment is waiting to see a possible legalization of SPRs to stimulate such a trend. Fourth, SPRs relieve the shortage of urban housings, curb their rising prices and contribute towards increasing the value of rural houses. Meanwhile, the increase in SPRs elevates illegal profits coming from corruption, and intensifies economic damages for the stake holders. Fifth, the Chinese Government has carried out 2 policies concerning this issue. On the one hand, China bans trading SPRs, prohibits those under construction from being built and issues demolition orders on them. On the other hand, the government pursues to find locally customized solutions.
  • 5.

    EU Vs EEU: Competition or Cooperation for a new regional structure

    Sungwook Yoon | 2015, 22(2) | pp.125~157 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    The purpose of this article is to analyse the possible change of regional structure based on the implications of the newly established Eurasian Economic Union(EEU) led by Russia. It is necessary for the EEU to enlarge its member states as well as to deepen its integration in order to be internationally recognised as a new regional community similar to the EU, NAFTA and ASEAN. Nevertheless, the possibility that potential candidate countries including Ukraine as perceived the most essential country for the EEU could join in the near futrue does not seem to be high. Having considered that the EEU project has been the most important foreign policy agenda since Putin’s 3rd Presidential terms, however, the EEU continues to play and extend its role as an existing regional community. Russia has been one of key countries for the EU’s external relations in terms of economic and political relations as well as the EU’s energy security. In this sense, the EU’s external policy to the EEU is unlikely to be different from the EU’s policy to Russia. There is, of course, a factor which could cause regional rivalry situation between the EU and the EEU, in that shared neighbourhood in Central Asia and CIS categorised as potential candidates to either the EU or the EEU. From these perspectives, the regional structure after the establishment of the EEU is likely to show the coexistence of ‘regional cooperation’ and ‘regional rivalry’. However, both the EU and the EEU could give priority to ‘regional cooperation’ rather than rival structure, in that both realise strategic importance of each other. This paper can also provide implications for the Korean government’s policy initiatives on the promotion of the Korea-Russia FTA and ‘Eurasian Initiative’ project. That is, the EEU instead of Russia becomes an objective or a negotiating partner to be considered when Korea sets up its external policy.
  • 6.

    A Proposal for the Crossing-Border of Cultural Conflicts and Collisions between Hallyu and Anti-Hallyu: Researching of Hybrid Culture Governance System in the North-East Asia

    KimJongBub | 2015, 22(2) | pp.159~186 | number of Cited : 18
    Abstract PDF
    This paper examines the multi causes of cultural conflicts and collisions between Hallyu and Anti-Hallyu in the North-East Asia. Also it gives a proposal for the crossing-border of cultural conflicts and collisions between Hallyu and Anti-Hallyu and a researching of hybrid culture governance system in the North-East Asia. In especial this paper proposes some renewal concepts and terminologies as like K-culture, C-Culture, J-Culture and hybrid culture governance system, etc. The purpose of this paper is a beginning of new research for a overcoming cultural conflicts and collisions between Hallyu and Anti-Hallyu in the North-East Asia and a groping for a solution of peace-coexistence governance system in local area. In addition to this proposal, K-Culture will be a renewal cultural promotion for overspreading to the another world, for example in North America, South America, Europe, Africa and Australia and so on.
  • 7.

    Determinants of National Image of South Korea among North Korean Refugees

    Hee Jin Kim , YOO HO YEOL , Choi Soon mi | 2015, 22(2) | pp.187~217 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    This current study investigated the determinants of national image of South Korea among North Korean refugees living in South Korea. We examined whether gender, age, education level in the North, education level in the South, monthly household income, marital status, and number of family(sociodemographic variables), outlook for the household economy and the national economy in the future(economic outlook) and help from others in the past six months(social relationships) were associated with national image of South Korea among North Korean refugees. The data of North Korean refugees who resided in Seoul and Gyeonggi was used and hierarchical regression analysis was performed for analysis. The result showed that age, the married, outlook for the national economy, and help from others in the past six months were positively associated with national image of South Korea, whereas, education level in the South and number of family were negatively associated with national image of South Korea among North Korean refugees.