KJC Korea
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The goal of this paper is to find the optimal level of quantitative easing in order to overcome the economic crisis. This paper uses the system dynamics approach technically and the Fisher's equation of exchange theoretically for the diagnosis of the present Korea's economy. The simulation model is constructed through the non-linear simultaneous function for the long-term prediction. The first thing that has to be done is to find the trend functions of the determinants of the Fisher's equation, and then to construct the non-linear simultaneous function through the combination of the functions. The results of simulation give some implications. The quantitative easing is divided into natural and political monetary easing. The political monetary easing is not necessary for the reflationary policy of real estate market, but important for the betterment of trade balance that can cause the industry growth. The log-transformed variables are used for the simulation and statistic analysis. After calculating the optimal level of money expansion, the logarithmic values are converted into the real values. Korea's economy is small in the whole international economy, but the effect of Korea's monetary policy on the trade balance isn't diminutive. Therefore, the Korea's monetary policy can lead the industry growth in the export-oriented economy and be an alternative to solve the financial crisis in the Korea's economy by improving the Korea's trade balance.

The purpose of this study is to investigate issue of human rights violations the process of marriage brokers business management(MBBM) for migrant women and propose to the institutional prevention for human right. The results of the reviews are as follows. The problem of MBBM includes petty size, unsoundness, insufficient information, neglecting management, exclusion from human right after 2008 rising. Moreover, the brokerage business management for migrant women like human trafficking can cause a depressed head of household, violence of marriage, poverty. Especially, it was very serious to advertisement, intake, information, decision of spouse in initial process of international marriage. For migrant women via international marriage, the authors suggest an active social policy, law revision, intervention in civil society, protection of human rights, personal information protection, international cooperation in Asia.

The purpose of this paper is to analyse that Why does not the North Koreans collective actions? North Korean society also exist conflicts and frustrations because where people live. However, conflicts and discontents with the North Koreans do not express a collective actions. Because North Korean's everyday life is to controlled by power means of the coercions, persuasion, image manipulations, authority. North Korean's capability alone is difficult to weaken the power means. Therefore it should seek ways to weaken the power means to control collective actions of North Korean. But realistically it is difficult to weaken the coercions. Therefore, the most realistic approach is a way to weaken the structure of the persuasion, image manipulations, and authority.

In terms of consideration about East Asian ocean space focusing on the Chinese recognition of sea, this paper investigates in how the Chinese began to regard ‘Sea Power’ as international political power which was originated from the western culture. As like the USA case, there is the meaning of ‘exploring’ in conceptualization of ‘Sea Power’. However, for the Chinese, the meaning of ‘Sea Power’ implies the state's protection, so called ‘protection state's authority’ in the international competitive politics. It is not unusual for the Chinese to understand that sea is a part of state's territory which they must protect from the unexpected invasion. Regarding ‘Sea Power’ as state's own authority to protect is getting political legitimacy all around of the East Asia. This paper tries to look into how the Chinese government will manage conflicts and problems related to the sea and what kind of political implications will influence on the Korean peninsular.

As is well known, thanks to reform and openness, China has succeeded in the economic development, but it is faced with serious social inequalities. For its economic expansion was based on the sacrifices of social minorities-largely farmers. Now it is time to pursue an economic development while reducing social inequalities. The reform in this direction is the one infringing the vested rights, and therefore the government and corporations with their privileges have limits in carrying out the reform. Besides, the politics of social movement is required in the circumstances where the politics of parties and interest groups is fragile. The activities of ‘human rights lawyers,’ who take up one part of ‘public intellectuals’ in the politics of this social movement, is noticeable. Backing up the activities of the human rights lawyers needs their enhanced political and social status, which could be looked at through their political participations of ‘self-representation’ and ‘people's representation’ activities. The ‘self-representation’ activities means that the Lawyers Association is legally independent from the state and becomes an autonomous organization for the lawyers in the reality where they are actually under the control of the government. It is obvious that the lawyers cannot represent the clients when they cannot be their own representative-that is to say, autonomous. The ‘people's representation’ activities refers to those of Representative Congress of Chinese Communist Party (NRCCCP) and Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) members. The Chinese lawyers have expanded their activities in these fields, meaning that their political and social status has been advanced. Their expansion in the political participation was due to the social movements in 2003 and 2007, to which the Chinese Communist Party responded by implementing a policy giving preference to “the new social class” which includes lawyers.

When it comes to overseas expansion of Korean medical institutions, it was found that 74 medical institutions entered 17 countries as of March 2012, with the largest numbers of 28 Korean medical organizations operating their business in China. Unfortunately, however, there is no successful case among Korean medical institutions going into China until now. On the other hand, some foreign for-profit hospitals achieved successful business expansion to China such as network expansion based on stable profit. Critical success factors required for medical institutions to successfully expand to China with management disadvantage against foreign for-profit hospitals include resource mobilization competence, strategy implementation competence, management support competence, differentiation advantage and price competitiveness. It was analyzed that Korean medical institutions overly have lower capabilities of strategy implementation, resource mobilization (human resource, physical resource), management support and price competitiveness than foreign medical institutions. In spite of the disadvantages, an attempt to revise related laws and regulations enabling medical corporations to establish a subsidiary corporation such as company or non-profit corporation and operate affiliated business will provide a chance to compensate insufficient success factors of Korean medical institutions. Utilizing Management Service Organization (MSO) will achieve cost reduction, capital funding and acquisition, diversification of cost reduction and patient inflow increase, business diversification and revenue diversification through linkage with medical related industries. This study suggests detailed methods to accomplish these objectives.

In this paper, I explore the politics of sexual difference and emergent gay subjectivities by examining the case of an Okinawan dance coterie group of gay men. This group's nearly total invisibility paradoxically reveals how strong the implicit heteronormative pressure on sexual minorities is, despite the lack of legal regulations and obvious oppression of non-conforming sexualities and gender in Japanese history, and the abundance and seeming freedom of non-normative sexual and gender expressions in Japanese entertainment and media. Tingāra's men, predominantly ethnic Japanese, participate in the club's activities primarily to socialize with other gay men. As “discreditable” minority whose stigma is not obvious, they use code-switching of various degrees, from heterosexual male mannerisms to campy expression of homosexuality and transgenderism. In doing so they navigate across domains of visibility and invisibility. Spatial distinctions, physical (public and private spaces) and virtual (online and offline), play an important role in such navigation to create a communal space for them, while rendering them invisible to (and thus protected from) mainstream society, safely hidden in plain sight. They playfully appropriate okama (a conflation of homosexual and transgender) stereotypes in self-mocking homoneta (“homo stuff”) jokes, to create bonds between members, what I call a homosocial confirmation of homosexual identity and also to build alliances across sexuality with knowing, supportive heterosexual individuals. In the Kansai Rainbow Parade, Osaka's biggest LGBT event, Tingāra walks and dances as part of the procession. Their participation reveals how complex and uncertain individual members' attitudes are regarding the increasing public presence of self-identified gay males, and the precarious position they occupy in “coming out” halfway. The original meaning of eisā as the dance for the dead/ancestors is unexpectedly reenacted when members find in the parade an opportunity to mourn for and honor anonymous gay men who suffered from societal negation and self-alienation. I argue that despite individual uncertainties and ambivalences, such experience of the collective performance of eisā and their interpretations of it are transformative for them, towards the collective gay identity that is in the making.