KJC Korea
Journal Central

This study purports to analyze North Korea’s national policy toward Europe including European Union. From the founding of a country, North Korea’s national policy focused on three points, First, North Korea basically depends on powerful country in their national policy. Second, North Korea has political needs for Europe when they are isolated. Third, North Korea tried to gain any interests in their national policy toward Europe (EU). However, North Korea’s national policy toward Europe (EU) to be in political difficulties in Kim Jeong-eun Era. As long as North Korea try to develop weapons of mass destruction (WMD), European Union not easily come back to improve relations with North Korea government.

The occurrence of cross-border M&As among Korea, China, and Japan has increased recently. The size of cross-border M&As among Korea, China, and Japan has increased by around 16% yearly for the 10-year period between 2005 and 2014, and the weightage of the three nations among the world’s cross-border M&As has also increased from 2.4% to 9.3%, that is, 4 times in the past 10 years. Cross-border M&As, based on 6 outbound business types such as manufacturing and services, for the 10-year period from 2005 to 2014, have been analyzed and the results are as follows. First, there has been an increase in the number of large scale M&A cases. Second, M&As of advanced countries such as the United States and countries in Europe have increased. Third, there is advancement of the objectives of the M&A industry. Fourth, the M&As between different business types per business type have increased. Fifth, M&As are being accelerated based on high technology. As the types of M&As of Chinese and Japanese corporations have rapidly changed since the global financial crisis, the search for that chance factor is needed.

To make sense of globalizing South Korea and the return migration of Korean Americans as they navigate in the transnational hierarchies of race, ethnicity, and nation, this paper introduces a new word ‘miguk hanin’ as a replacement for ‘jaemi gyopo’ which refers to an imagined group of ethnic Koreans residing in the US. Therefore, Korean Americans who havemigrated to South Korea and residing in South Korea would be called ‘jaehan miguk hanin.’ The focus of this paper is to examine the different types of Korean American return migration and the emergent cultural identities negotiated and redefined by Korean Americans as they are perceived in dichotomized images of global Korean heroes and ‘failed’ immigrants. Korean Americans are not a homogeneous group, but consists of various people with different ethnic identities or senses of belonging that are constantly shifting. Accordingly, Korean Americans residing in South Korea are constructing emergent cultural identities of their own. Considering the ethnic status and history of Korean American diasporic community which has been oscillating between a Korea-centered to a Korean American focus, jaehan miguk hanin faced with differentiation do not redefine their identity in simple nationalist terms as Americans vis-à-vis the Koreans. Rather, the process of identity negotiation can be understood in two as a strengthening of a transnational identity of ‘Korean Americans’ as a response to the marginalization in South Korea and the formation of a new ethnic identity of global Koreans.

This article analyses the result of Japanese General Election on 22th of October 2017, which made Abe government starts 4thterm by dominant win of Liberal Democratic Party. The research aim of this article is find out identity of Abe government and the reasons of winning in the election. In this general election Abe and LDP achieved big win and one of main reason of winning is that opposite political parties are almost non-exist in Japanese politics. I will seek the reason of opposite parties split and understanding long-term polices of Abe government to find out the perspective of the Abe administration. In this election they had three main issues in Japanese society, constitutional reform, economic problems and North-Korean nuclear issue. I will compare the policies on these issues of all Japanese political parties and predict what will they do in issues by continuing coalition on ruling party. And aim to answer the Korean counterpart questions to Abe government which very important in Northeast Asian security.

This paper studies the market effects of stock option compensation on firm values in China. Using the combined 240 firm data of RESSET and GTA databases from 2006 till 2014, we perform empirical tests whether stock options play a role as incentive and compensation schemes for executives and employees with expertise and technology in a way reduce the agency cost between agencies like executives and employees. We perform the empirical tests for 40 trading days around the announcement day. The main test results are summarized as follows. First, the empirical test results show a higher abnormal returns and cumulative abnormal returns around the announcement date. Second, the amount of stock option, both executive option and core-technology option, do not have any statistically significant effect on short-run CARs. Third, the dispersion of stock option, both executive option and core-technology option, measured by the ratios of numbers of option recipients to total employees, has a statistically significant positive effect on one-year HPRs (holding period returns). The results with respect to the announcement effects are basically same as those of the prior studies while the long-run effects of stock options are contradictory to the prior studies that report positive effects of stock options. Our results also support some of prior studies which the positive effect of wide dispersion of stock option endowment contributes on stock market returns.

As a result of analyzing whether there is a gap across the industries and the regions in ASEAN four countries including Indonesia, Malaysia, Thailand, and the Philippines, we found several points as follows. Firstly, in the case of firms with foreign capital inflow, those industries which are preferred by Korean investors are generally less productive than non-preferred industries. Secondly, in the case of firms with foreign capital inflow, firms are higher productive in the capital area than in non-capital areas for all the countries except for the Philippines. Thirdly, in the case of exporting firms, Korean investors’ preferred industries are less productive than non-preferred ones. Lastly, when comparing the productivity of exporting firms by location, Indonesia and Thailand are higher in the capital area, Malaysia are not significantly different, and in the Philippines exporting firms are higher in non-capital areas while non-exporting firms are higher in the capital area. Consequently, analyzing the productivity gap among the firms in the four ASEAN countries, we can see that there are much more differences than the similarities.

Recent comparative studies on so-called the East Asian Little Dragons (e.g. South Korea, Taiwan, Singapore) showed that Singapore has been outstanding in adjusting herself to changing environments with the rise of China and also in maintaining strategic balance at the same time. Therefore, this study focuses on Singapore but further narrows down the focus to a micro-level actor, SUTD (Singapore University of Technology and Design). SUTD, the 4th Singaporean national university founded in 2012, deserves an in-depth study because it might represent the Singaporean national pursuit in a new era. This study analyzes the collaborative research networks that SUTD have formed with its two strategic international collaborators, i.e. MIT in USA and Zhejiang University in China. This study tries to figure out how SUTD has utilized heterogenous resources in USA and China through the strategic alliances and how SUTD has positioned itself within the international network for its best interest. Policy implications from the research findings are also discussed.