KJC Korea
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Nationalistic apathy refers to the form of Japanese nationalism in which modern imperialism exerts a spell-like power binding the unconscious of the people based on the circuits of apathy formed within the Japanese language. As an affect of disgust, nationalist apathy, together with peer pressure, exclusion, and forced assimilation, justifies indifference toward the other and includes indifference toward social, historical, and political structures. The prevalent attitude of being indifferent toward oneself and the other is to believe to know and thus not try to know even when one does not. The vacuum leading to this assumption of knowledge is related to the censorship system of the Japanese Empire, which is based on the authority of its modern imperial system. This is because the structure of sexual violence of the empire exists in a blind spot symbolized by those marks signaling its erasure. Invisible shame is always concealed behind the shame manifest on the surface. This blind spot, which renders absent what clearly exists, implicitly allows the concealing of unseeable shame, i.e., national shame, or the humiliation of men. Women have been forced to view the female body based on gender norms and examine their body and sex as a commodity. This can be applied to modern-day human capital-when a person is seen as human capital, all these bodies creep into where female bodies lie, as potential commodities.

This study evaluates the development of regional cooperation for socio-economic development in the Tumen River Basin focusing on interactions between the riparian (North Korea, China and Russia) and neighboring countries (South Korea, Mongol and Japan) since 1991. Particular attention is given to the Greater Tumen Initiative in order to analyze the possibility of shared benefits in the river basin and pull out policy implications. The Benefit Sharing approach is deployed to argue that shared benefits through cooperation can be larger than benefits through unilateral development. Regional development efforts were first made by UNDP in 1991 in the form of the Tumen Regional Development Program (TRADP), and the initiative was transformed into GTI in 2005. Since then, the path of the GTI has been bumpy due to the withdrawal of North Korea in 2009, a lack of leadership, and little investment and funding. Nevertheless, this program has served as a useful platform in which the countries in the region have shared their common interests. The program has helped the establishment of peace and stability in East Asia, and a series of transport, trade and investment, energy, tourism and environment projects have played a pivotal role in laying the ground for joint development in the region. The GTI can be a good candidate for regional cooperation platform that will ease down the tensions triggered by missile tests and nuclear weapon development of North Korea and function as a foundation to boost up regional cooperation for socio-economic development.

As the policy of ‘Made in China 2025’ indicates, China makes great effort to lead the advanced future industries, such as 5G information technology, Artificial Intelligence (AI). Above all, China’s enormous state-led R&D investment and implicit pressure over foreign firms to share key technology with Chinese partners lead to substantial conflicts between China and the advanced market economies, particularly the US and EU in recent. Focusing on China’s policy of technology transfer, this paper attempts to explain how ‘the policy of exchanging technology with market’ during the 1980s has evolved and developed into ‘the policy of indigenous innovation’ and ‘policy of strategic emerging industries’ over the 2000s, leading to the rise of ‘Made in China 2025’ in the early 2010s. By using the analytic framework of evolutionary process, this study examines the “evolutionary process” of China’s technology development beyond the conventional state versus market approach. In so doing, this study highlights dialectic dynamics and adaptive governance as important features of China’s economic governance. As an empirical case, the automobile industry offers a good example to show how China has learned the advanced technology at first, and then pursued indigenous innovation, ultimately aiming to substitution with Chinese products and technology.

As the nation sector shrinks and the functions of the state and the government change, the provision of public services, which were directly in charge of the state and the government, has gradually been entrusted to actors in the civil society (the third sector). And this pattern began to appear in China in the mid-1990s. The developing process of Chinese government’s POSC (Purchase of Service Contracting) from CSO is divided into three periods. In the first period, some governments began experimenting with the purchasing-services policies at the level of local such as Shenzhen and Shanghai. Local governments entrusted the provision of social services to designated social organizations in non-competitive way. The method of competitive ‘service contract’ began in the second period. And the Central Government of China formally approved the government’s purchasing-services policy. After that the purchasing-services policy has spread to Jiangxi, Zhejiang and Beijing etc. In the last third period, an unified and systematic institutionalization of purchasing-services has proceeded. And the use of purchasing-service expanded nationwide and increased in volume and types of services. This paper provides basic information and data on the historical developing process of Chinese government’s POSC and this is the value of this paper.

The purpose of this research is to analyse whether the Pacific Alliance can lead a new trend of regional integration in Latin America on the basis of discussion on its sustainability. The previous research on regional communities in Latin America has mostly focused on Mercosur, and the establishment of UNASUR and ALBA was merely perceived as a new model. However, the Pacific Alliance was initiated for the purpose of regional integration with the principle of market-driven open regionalism. Having considered the fact that various regional communities in this region have neither been maintained nor played their roles properly, this research explores how the Pacific Alliance could resolve these problems and maintain its sustainability. This research argues that the Pacific Alliance seems to increase its possibility of sustainability by various policy measures such as reflection of private sector’s policy suggestions, implementing policies with rapid and practical outcomes by early-harvest approach, and also for increasing regional cohesion. In this sense, the Pacific Alliance has attracted interests from many countries, and it is time for Korea to set up more detailed policies to strengthen the tie with the Pacific Alliance.