KJC Korea
Journal Central

As the strategic competition between the U.S. and China has begun, the uncertainty in U.S.-China relations has increased, and various discussions among think tanks have been made regarding the prospects on the future of U.S.-China relations. The scenarios on the future of U.S.-China relationship, presented by think tanks, provide a glimpse into how they perceive the current state, change and future of the U.S.-China relationship. In this regard, this study focuses on exploring the U.S. think tanks’ prospects for U.S.-China relations which reflect the U.S. perception and strategic thinking towards its relations with China. This paper aims to identify major trends and changes in the U.S. perception of its relations with China and to find important clues for the future prospects of U.S.-China relations by analyzing the forecast scenarios of U.S.-China relations presented in the foresight reports published by major think tanks in the U.S. in the 2010s. In addition, based on this analysis, this paper also examines the increasing tendency in U.S.-China relations since the recent COVID-19 pandemic, and discusses the future of U.S.-China relations in the post-COVID-19 era.

This paper is an analysis of the effectiveness of the unification plan(‘One country, Two systems’) of the China. To this end, This paper reviewed China’s intentions and implementation process to achieve the unification of the China as a way to promote ‘One country, Two systems’ Plan through Hong Kong case and Taiwan case. As an alternative model that can replace the China unification plan, the method of supplementing the elements of the federal system, and the ‘One China, Two Constituions’, ‘One China Three Constitutions’ model method, and the neutral model method have being discussed. Chinese researchers believe that Taiwan’s concerns can be resolved by supplementing the elements of the federal system while maintaining the framework of the national system. Taiwanese unification scholars admit China, and argue that unification is possible if the model guarantees Taiwan’s autonomy as a constitution. American Researchers and Taiwanese independents argue scholars that models of neutral nations such as Switzerland and Finland can be used to prevent war on both sides and maintain peace. However, in international politics, the realization of the‘One country, Two systems’ Plan and the alternative model will ultimately depend on the national power and attitudes of the three actors(that is China, America and Taiwan).

The aim of the study is to understand the roots of water conflicts in Peru, despite the fact that the country has established an ‘Integrated Water Resource Governance’ in 2010, in which the state, private sector as well as communities participate in order to manage common-pool resources(CPRs). In particular, it analyses one prominent case of water conflict in the Peruvian northern Andes, associated with large-scale mineral extraction. By doing this, the study attempts to examine the causes of mining-related water conflicts and thus uncover limitations of Integrated Water Resource Governance. In the Peruvian Andes, local peasants(campesinos) have maintained a communal management tradition of common-pool resources(CPRs) such as land and water. This is significant not only because of the importance of those resources for their livelihoods, but also of their associated social organisations as well as identity. However, this socio-ecological relationship has undergone a dramatic transformation with the arrival of the multinational mining company and its large-scale open-pit mineral extraction in the region. The newly established water governance has efficiency, equity and sustainability as de jure aims, but it resulted in what so-called ‘accumulation by dispossession’ indeed. As a result, local peasant communities organised massive demonstrations and demanded their commons back. By examining the nature of water conflicts and limitations of water governance in Peru, the study attempts to get engaged in debates on ‘neoliberalising nature’ after the late twentieth century.

In the midst of a global pandemic due to the outbreak of Coronavirus Disease-19, what became clear is that a government’s response to a global pandemic must include migrant health, especially the undocumented migrants. Even before the global pandemic, there was a recognition that the world entered an era when more people are on the move than ever before and these migrants continue to be overlooked in many countries where access to health care often remains limited and conditional. In addition, there are various misperceptions about migrants around the world such as a claim that migrants place a heavy financial burden on the host society and the state’s health system. Misperceptions like these not only can have a negative effect on migrant’s health but also have a dire consequence during the timeof global pandemic which we are currently in right now. A consensus was made that excluding migrants from a rights-based approach to health is a blatantly poor public health practice and is, in general, a violation of migrants’ rights. Based on informal participant observations, surveys conducted by the research team, forums and discussions with migrant health support groups namely WeFriends, visiting various free migrant health clinics such as Ansan Vincent’s Clinic, and literature review, this paper examines the current status and issues of migrant health in South Korea and considers how the Community Health Worker (CHW) model of the US can be applied in the South Korean context. Specifically, the paper proposes the 5 key features of CHWs (migrant culture, leadership, holism, integration with a health care team, bridge) and as a holistic practice, what human rights that are interdependent to the rights to health marriage migrant women as migrant community health workers can promote to improve the migrant health in South Korea from right-based and preventive healthcare approaches.