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Licensing Condition of Multiple Indeterminate+mo Constructions : From the Perspective of Syntactic Processing
The Japanese Language Association of Korea
Abbr :
JLAK
2019, (60), pp.69-86
DOI :https://doi.org/10.14817/jlak.2019.60.69
Publisher : The Japanese Language Association Of Korea
Research Area : Japanese Language and Literature
2019, (60), pp.69-86
DOI :https://doi.org/10.14817/jlak.2019.60.69
Publisher : The Japanese Language Association Of Korea
Research Area : Japanese Language and Literature
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The purpose of this paper is to examine licensing condition of multiple indeterminate+mo constructions from the perspective of syntactic processing. Park (2017) indicates that there is a limit to clarify the true licensing conditions of multiple negative polarity item (hereafter, NPI) constructions including sika 'only' merely through generative grammar. Park (2017) focuses on linguistic phenomena that argument-adjunct asymmetry appears in both the multiple NPI constructions including sika and the prosodic structures. Park (2017) argues that it is possible to clarify the licensing condition of multiple NPI constructions from the perspective of syntactic processing. However, this research approach does not apply to multiple indeterminate+mo constructions such as dare-mo nani-mo tabe-nakka-ta ‘nobody ate anything’. This is because the type of Case-marking between indeterminate+mo and sika is different, even if they appear in the same adjunct positions. In other words, host NP of indeterminate+mo has structural Case, whereas sika has inherent Case. Therefore, this paper suggests that a different research approach is needed for the licensing condition of multiple indeterminate+mo constructions. The arguments of this paper are as follows: (i) Syntactic processing of Japanese multiple NPI constructions varies depending on types of NPIs. The syntactic processing of multiple indeterminate+mo constructions is distinct from one of multiple NPI constructions including sika. (ii) Syntactic processing of the multiple indeterminate+mos are determined by Case-marking, semantic role, and animacy of each indeterminate+mo phrases. (iii) The above-mentioned claims are also supported by Similarity-based Interference constraints.
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