The purpose of this essay was to identify the anarchic linguistic idiosyncrasies that occur in Jonas Hassen Khemiri’s Montecore - a unique tiger. Montecore – a unique tiger is not only funny, ambitious and inventive but Khemiri's wordplay and deliberately odd narrative clearly offers also a serious commentary on Swedish society. Khemiri gives us questions of culture and language, racism and violence, metafiction and postmodernity, formal conceit and constraint.
Jonas Hassen Khemiri, the son of a Tunisian father and Swedish mother, was raised in the vicinity of Rinkeby. ‘Rinkeby Swedish(Rinkebysvenska)’ is any of a number of varieties of Swedish spoken mainly in suburbs with a high proportion of immigrants and immigrant descendants, which emerged as a linguistic phenomenon in the 1980s. ‘Rinkeby Swedish’ is used by urban toughs and middle-class youths eager for a little street credibility. Rinkeby Swedish is regarded as a sociolect, dialect, ethnolect, or maybe a "multiethnolect". Khemiri’s novel, Montecore narrates the life-story of the Jonas’ immigrant father, Abbas Khemiri in Rinkeby Swedish which is full of playful malapropisms, missing words and broken syntax.
This study aims to the level of linguistic performance in Khemiri’s novel and analyse Khemiri’s linguistic creativity that amuse the reader.
This paper attempts to re-examine the relationship between welfare state and social justice, focusing on the implications and limits of ‘distributional justice’. As a result of this review, I would like to argue as follows. First, it is possible to define social justice in welfare state which has universalistic character, although it has relativistic character with the changes of time. Second, the contents of social justice in modern welfare state are not systematic and concrete in comparison with other political ideas, such as constitutional monarchy, liberal democracy, socialism. Third, the definition of social justice in welfare state as distributional justice(for example Rawls) turns a blind eye to the basic structure of capitalist society, although it can have temporary importance from the strategical point of view. It has limits to the theoretical, practical contributions which lead to reduce the gap between classes especially in quality. Forth, if social justice in welfare state aims more freedom and equality without alienation, its ultimate orientation should be over the capitalist relations of production.
Focusing on the 2000s, this paper explores political strategies of conservative opposition parties under the hegemony of social democracy in Sweden. Conservative parties gave up anti-welfare and anti-labor ideology and adopted pro-welfare and pro-labor ideology as a new party ideology in the 2000s. After they formed a ruling coalition government, they did not try to destroy welfare system but to reorganize it in a limited scale. It is alled “liberalization without retrenchment”. Why did it happen in Sweden? This paper argues that it was an outcome of three factors in Swedish politics; the consensus politics, narrowing difference among political parties, and party strategies based on changing voters’ voting behavior.
Since 1990s, the studies on the Swedish Model and the Swedish social democracy have substantially developed both in quantity and quality in South Korea. There are some important historical backgrounds for that. First, the collapse of the Soviet-East European communist bloc gave great shock to Korean radicals. They came to be more interested in the West European social democracy, especially the Swedish one afterwards. Second, the political democratization in South Korea since 1987 made social democratic ‘reformism’ more reliable and realizable. Third, the Asian financial crisis in 1997 brought about many economic and social problems including the polarization of economy and society, and the increase of poor people. Many researchers and social movement activists came to be more interested in the socioeconomic inequality issues.
Swedish industrial relations and social policies or welfare state have been most popular research topics reflecting the states of Korean society. And the debate on Chaebols reform and ‘the universal welfare state’ discourse have been representative debate and discourse, inspired by the Swedish Model, which have made some political impacts on Korean society.
For Korean researchers in this field to wield more influence on the issues of Korean society, they have to improve their knowledge not only of Swedish society, but also of Korean society. Thus, the studies on the Swedish Model must develop themselves into tales of two countries, Sweden and Korea, not just tales of one country, Sweden.
Cohousing project has been evolved as an alternative housing to reduce housework for working women, and to reduce loneliness for the elderly in order to adjust people’s needs of modern society. From the view point of age, there are two different types of cohousing in Sweden. One is the +40 cohousing in which residents are supposed to be aged at least 40 or over and to be a couple or single without any cohabitant children at home. The other is the mixed-age cohousing in which diverse households can reside without age limit. This paper aims to find out evaluation and satisfaction level at the physical environment design and its difference by cohousing types in Swedish cohousing projects. 12 cohousing projects nationwide including 4 of the +40 cohousing and 8 of the mixed-age cohousing were surveyed by questionnaire. 242 data were collected and analyzed by SPSS program. The findings are as follows. Satisfaction level is high in both types, showing no remarkable differences between the two cohousing types, though slightly higher satisfaction level is found in the +40 cohousing than in the mixed-age cohousing. This reason might origin from the fact that most of the +40 cohousing buildings are newer than the mixed-age cohousing. Nevertheless, there might be a hidden reason. The fact that most of the residents in the +40 cohousing are more actively participated in shared activities and more satisfied at their living situation might affect higher satisfaction level at the physical environment design as well.
Today, in Korea, the level of gender equality is very low comparing with another countries. Although the Korean women have been improving in education and labor force participation, the male dominance and accompanying discrimination against women is persisted. This is caused by the low level of the political empowerment of women in Korea. Why is the political empowerment of women important related to the gender equality? So this study tries to find the answer by analyzing the Swedish case in the Power Resources theory.
In the result, the power resources of women impacts the policy of gender equality. The key element of the power resources is the political empowerment in women. The sweden women movement has been strengthen their political empowerment though the state feminism which is feminism created or approved by the government of a state or nation. It usually specifies a particular program. In Sweden, the women movement is join with the social democratic party especially. the women political organization have permeated to the party, Union, and the Parliamentary. So they have influenced to make the gender equality policy. Since 1945, they tried to influence the child care and the parental leaves. They are very important policy impacting the gender equality.
The aim of this study is to provide broader understanding of patterns of parliamentarian behaviors. Active role of parliamentarians by introducing bills, questioning to ministers, and attending interpellation in an orderly way seems to be a crucial element in producing high political effectiveness. However, our knolwdge of salience of parliamentarian behavior is confined for the lack of empirical evidences. This study is to reduce this gap. This study delves into behavioral patterns of the Swedish parliamentary members representing 7 political parties – four ruling coalition parties and three opposition partieis – as a case study based on two different sources, i.e. the Swedish Riksdag and DN databases. This study tests three hypotheses: 1) Opposition party members seem likely to introduce more bills in the parliament to compete effectively with ruling parties in government position; 2) Female parliamentarians are less eager to introduce bills in comparison to their male parliamentarian colleagues for their relative low interest in political power; and 3) At the age of their fifties, politicians will be most active in their parliamentary activities. Hypotheses 1 and 3 should be convincingly accepted, while Hypothesis 2 does not seem to be true. Despite several drawbacks in terms of lack of methodological requirements, these findings seem to be of great importance and meaning for measuring political effectiveness and productivity necessary for building democratic instituionalization.