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pISSN : 2508-8300 / eISSN : 2671-5694

2020 KCI Impact Factor : 0.44
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2020, Vol.4, No.1

  • 1.

    Political Underrepresentation of Youth and It’s Improvement Discussion : Focusing on OECD Countries

    Yoon, Hye-Young | Chung, Tae-il | 2020, 4(1) | pp.7~30 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    In Korea, over-representation in certain ages, genders and occupational groups has been repeated. In this regard, it is necessary to resolve the deficiencies in political representation, to secure more balanced and stable political representation by representing various political intentions and interests of citizens, and in particular, to secure a balanced representation of descriptive representation. This paper examines the political representation of underrepresented youth. European countries have a relatively high proportion of young councilors, while the number of young councilors in Korea is under 30(0.0%), under 40(2.3%), and under 45(5.6%). Is the lowest level in the country, and is significantly lower than in OECD countries. To solve this problem, discussions about reform of electoral system should be continued. Recently, in Korea, the Parallel proportional representation has been changed from the Semi-linked proportional representation through the fast track election law. In other words, it is more urgent to secure the institutional device for entry into the elected office as well as to discuss the political representation of the youth as a “representative” who can represent the interests of the youth as a direct actor.
  • 2.

    Policy Election Activation Challenge Using Manifest

    Jeongjin Choi | 2020, 4(1) | pp.31~58 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    The purpose of this study was to examine manifesto practice and problem-oriented practice orientation through academic studies and data in order to explore the causes and alternatives of manifesto in Korean politics. In addition, the existing discussions are divided into structural, actor, and environmental dimensions to propose alternatives to the task in a poetic sense. Modern society is embodied as a network society, and each individual and group is an atomized module of society that has the conditions to present their political opinions or establish specific goals based on identity. In addition, if the environment (civil participation type, open type, etc.) that can present alternative agenda for mutual failure of political action is activated, greater political development can be led. On the other hand, it is expected to present a positive answer to the limitations of political behavior, which is one of the weaknesses of Manifesto, that is, lack of a longer-looking political attitude toward the system. Among the manifesto, voluntary participation in political participation, procedures, and operation is rooted in civil society, and collaboration on interpretation and judgment can be learned inherent in the context of the movement. As the Manifesto Policy Election will be able to include active citizen participation, it will also help build a mature political culture.
  • 3.

    Review of Korean Pop Music Bans : Focusing on the Park Chung Hee regime and the Chun Doo Hwan regime

    Joo-Shin Chung | 2020, 4(1) | pp.59~90 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    The article examined how the military regime, led by the Park Chung-hee regime and Chun Doo-hwan regime, influenced popular music by the regime's desire and oppression. In particular, the term "Choice" and "Exclusion" were used as part of the military’s repressive rule and as a strategy to differentiate itself from the military’s perspective, using the terms "Choice" and "Exclusion" depending on the nature of the military’s authoritarian regimes, contrary to the trend of existing research. The review of banning pop music under the military regime here is an example of a fusion study in which the military regime systemizes banned songs and oppresses the public with freedom of understanding and expression, but on the other hand, it has shown concurrency as a role of seeking to maintain the military's regime and tyrannize it. First, the banned songs under the military regime were mostly performed during the Park Chung-hee regime, which ruled out the creativity and legitimacy of those who made and sang songs, as they were performed by the ruling party’s desire for power or violence. Second, the lifting of the banned song under the military regime was made only after the military regime surrendered to the national uprising, in that the song was made in line with the trend of the June 1987 uprising. After all, the fact that there were many banned songs in terms of wind speed rather than in terms of public security was a sign that the military regime was severely oppressed by the public, socially and culturally.
  • 4.

    Historical Origins and International Political Implications of Korea-Japan Trade Conflict : Korea-Japan History Issues, Japan's Trade Regulations, and Korea's Choice in ‘the Age without US’

    Kim Young Soo | 2020, 4(1) | pp.91~120 | number of Cited : 6
    Abstract PDF
    The purpose of this article is to review the nature of the crisis in Japan's 2019 export regulations to South Korea in terms of history, economy and security. This conflict is because the Korea-Japan’s past history issues have expanded to trade regulations, which has deep implications for ROK-US-Japan security cooperation. First, by briefly examining how Japanese colonial rule and Korean claim rights were dealt with during 1965 Korea-Japan Talks, I would like to explain the historical nature of the Japanese military comfort women and forced labor issues that are causing serious conflicts between Korea and Japan. Second, I would like to examine the controversial issues between Korea and Japan on the military comfort women and forced labor by Japanese imperialism. Third, I would like to point out the international political and economic transformations that are implicated in Japan's trade restrictions on Korea. Since Japan's trade regulation was done with US approval, I think that fundamental change has also begun in Korea-US relations. It stems from the neo-isolationism, a strategic decision to give up the role of sheriff in the world system, in full swing in the Trump government. As a result, Korea needs to consider a security and economic alternatives to ‘the Age without the US’ carefully.
  • 5.

    A Study on Korean Public Diplomacy toward Africa

    LEE Han-Kyu | 2020, 4(1) | pp.121~160 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    As Korea has declared 2020 as ‘the first year of public diplomacy’, the importance of public diplomacy is gradually emphasized in Korean diplomacy of the 21st century. With the chance of the Korea-Africa Forum in 2006 as the turning point of practical relationship, there have been more and more interest in Africa that used to be on the periphery of Korean diplomacy. This year, it has been 14 years after going through total four times of forum. It would be needed to screen Korean diplomacy toward Africa and also public diplomacy. Considering the domestic environment concentrating on the economic interests based on such narrow understanding of Africa, what roles could the public diplomacy expect from Korean policies toward Africa? This study seeks for the answer to this question through cultural approach because the public diplomacy requires the mutual empathy, and in the center of it, there is culture. In Africa, the culture is not the entertainment of daily life, but the order and system. Thus, the public diplomacy should be sought for without violating the cultural elements of Africa. In the aspect of spreading Korean culture and building up the trust relationship, the attitude to actively accept other cultures should be preceded for Korean public diplomacy toward Africa. Otherwise, Africa would strengthen the cultural boundary or Korea would only show the ‘fabricated’ cultural empathy.
  • 6.

    Tracking Definitions of Social Security in North Korea : Focusing on the Official Dictionary of North Korea

    Chulsoo Lee | 2020, 4(1) | pp.161~194 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    The purpose of this study is to trace the diachronic dynamics of conceptual definition of the terms related North Korean social welfare by approaching with historical narrative method. In this study, the terms to be analyzed are 'social security' and 'social security system' etc. For this purpose, this study used the official dictionary of North Korea as an analyzer. Accordingly, this study was followed up chronologically with period division through the literature search based on the dictionary of North Korea. As a result of the analysis, the dynamics of North Korean social security system can be divided based on 1985 with tracing focusing on coverage, benefits, finances, and delivery system. The major features are as follows: First, from this year, the grace and consideration of Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il were both emphasized. Second, in this period, North Korea shows specific statements of universalism of the coverage and kinds of benefits. Third, finances were almost the same as those of the 1970s. Fourth, the delivery system did not have a separate reference except for protection of the facility at all times. Fifth, direct benefits related to unemployment protection were absent throughout the period. On the other hand, with a content-oriented approach, North Korea showed progressive development until 1985 over the passage of time and then stagnated. Also, North Korea, looking at the specifics of explanations and statements in response to the passage of time, showed passive statements of the 1950s developed into active statements. However, from 1985 until 2002, there is no substantial change in content. In addition, the universality of the socialist system and the speciality of the North Korean regime appeared simultaneously in the process. The universality of the socialist system is represented by the universalism of the coverage and the preference of the people of national merits. In case of specialty, North Korea emphasized the sincerity of Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il as rulers for 'social security' and 'social security system'.
  • 7.

    A Study on the Countermeasures System of North Korea's Short and Long-Range Missile Threats

    Kim Sea Ill | na tae jong | 2020, 4(1) | pp.195~220 | number of Cited : 3
    Abstract PDF
    On May 4, 2019, North Korea fired short-range projectiles around the Northern Hodor Peninsula in Wonsan, and then on May 9, the North fired missiles believed to be short-range from the Sinori region in North Pyongan Province, 13 times in total in 1919. North Korea's short-range multiple rocket launchers and missiles are 240-300mm multiple rocket launchers and KN-02 and Scud C-type missiles with a range of about 70-300km, and our radar system is limited to detect, so we must develop a long-term long-range system to prepare for them. To defend North Korea's short-range missiles, the Iron Dome system operating in Israel and the THAAD system, a high-altitude strike system, are needed to defend long-range missiles. For the defense of the North's short and long-range missiles, a similar weapons system such as Iron Dome or THAAD could be introduced early, or an effective defense network could be established if it can be developed and responded by developing itself. North Korea's short-range and long-range missiles are within the Korean Peninsula, and its long-range missiles should be prepared for reckless surprise or provocations by the North by establishing a ballistic missile defense and Kill Chain system for the defense of South Korea by threatening its East Asian neighbors and allies such as the U.S. To this end, the government should work with the Agency for Defense Development(ADD) or the Korea Advanced Institute of Science and Technology(KAIST) to establish a system that can prepare for possible provocations at any time by securing its own technical skills.
  • 8.

    Responsibility to Protect and Libya : Problems and Prospects

    Oh Jihye | Kim, Il-su | 2020, 4(1) | pp.221~256 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    The international community intervened in the name of humanitarian intervention to counter new types of security threats, but humanitarian intervention has been criticized for being inconsistent, with the principle of noninterference in domestic affairs of sovereign states. The international community needed new norms to overcome the limitations of humanitarian intervention, which emerged at that time as a concept of "responsibility to protect(R2P)." This paper aims to apply the 2011 Libyan situation to the implementation system of R2P to review the actual process and analyze the factors for the implementation results. To this end, we will go through a theoretical review of the concept and implementation system of R2P, and look at how the R2P has been applied in the Libyan crisis.
  • 9.

    Populist Terrorist Activities and their Impact in Pakistan

    Tu Bo | Bingfeng Fu | Yunsong Zhou and 1other persons | 2020, 4(1) | pp.257~280 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    In Pakistan, there are various types of populist organizations, among which some extreme populist organizations such as those in Baluchistan, Sindh, Gilgit and other regions have become extreme and taken on a certain terrorist nature because of Pakistan's history and politics as well as the long tradition of Pakistan's domestic terrorism. These extremist populist organizations have not only posed a threat to Pakistan's national security and development, but also hindered the strengthening of both China-Pakistan bilateral relations and the cooperation around the Belt and Road Initiative. The specific organizational structure of these extreme populist groups and the impact of their terrorist activities on both Pakistan and the rest of the world deserve attention in the academic community. By adopting a literature review approach, in this paper, Pakistan’s domestic populist organizations are sorted reasonably, the structure of extreme populist organizations is clarified accordingly, and the influence of their terrorist activities is noted emphatically. The conclusion drawn is that Pakistan’s domestic extreme populist groups have not only severely constrained Pakistan’s economic development and lowered the people’s living standards, but also hindered the strengthening of Pakistan’s diplomatic relations with neighboring countries, thus worsening Pakistan’s domestic political environment and impeding its integration into the trend of globalization.