Korea and Global Affairs 2021 KCI Impact Factor : 1.2

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pISSN : 2508-8300 / eISSN : 2671-5694

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2021, Vol.5, No.6

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  • 1.

    Study on the Quality of Life in the Elderly in Korea using Qualitative Interpretive Meta-Synthesis

    KIL,TAEYOUNG | 2021, 5(6) | pp.5~36 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    The aims of this study was to investigate the meaning of the quality of life recognized by the elderly in Korea by applying the qualitative interpretive meta-synthesis (QIMS) newly introduced in the social welfare field at Korea and other countries. The quality of life of the elderly in Korea is negatively and positively influenced by various factors such as degenerative elderly disease, lifestyle and life environment choice, extension of aging, extension of life expectancy, and rapid social change. This study integrates the existing individual qualitative research results and reinterprets them on the premise that they emphasize and explore the risk factors and protective factors related to the quality of life of the elderly in Korea through the systematic process of qualitative and interpretive meta-synthesis. The results of the study are as follows: 4 independent and comprehensive themes were created; (1) various life experiences, (2) maintaining a good state, (3) taking better care of oneself, (4) taking new perspective on life. Based on these results, this study aims to contribute to the development of the quality of life theory considering the characteristics of the elderly in Korea in the future, and to provide a greater understanding of the researchers and experts in the field of social welfare practice such as welfare for the elderly and welfare for the disabled in strengthening the maintenance and improvement factors related to the quality of life of the elderly.
  • 2.

    Exploratory discussion on the characteristics and developmental of active administration : Focusing on historical and administrative approaches

    Kwon, Jeong-man , Hag man Kim | 2021, 5(6) | pp.37~58 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    Active administration is required to more effectively respond to recent changes in the administrative environment and the demand and response situation of the people. Therefore, this study aims to find the developmental direction of active administration through historical and administrative discussions at another level, as existing discussions such as immunity and compensation for public officials have limitations in explaining the legitimacy and validity of active administration. In this context, the purpose of this study is not only to grasp the trend of changes in active administration through Big-data, but also to explore the theoretical limitations of active administration and to have a developmental discussion to overcome them. We would like to answer the fundamental questions of active administration through an essential approach, such as the applicability of the active administration.
  • 3.

    A Study on the Belief Systems concerned with Autonomous Private High School Policy

    RIM YANG | 2021, 5(6) | pp.59~79 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    The purpose of this study is analysing the belief systems of advocacy coalition concerned with autonomous private high school, especially focusing evaluation for designation. For this purpose, the Advocacy Coalition Framework(ACF) model is used. Despite the factors of ACF are many, policy advocacy coalition and belief systems are very important. The summary of study is as follows: First, in the process of evaluation for designation, the abolition advocacy coalition and maintenance advocacy coalition are conflicted with regard to belief systems. This resulted the struggle of each other for achieving policy object. Second, the belief systems of the abolition advocacy coalition are equalitarianism, generalization in education and administrative method, etc. But the belief systems of maintenance advocacy coalition are neo-liberalism, excellence in education, legal method, etc. But blanket abolition can cause the problem of policy consistency and sunk cost. Thus the law for autonomous private high school, not enforcement ordinance, is necessary.
  • 4.

    Examining National Images of the Russian Federation in the South Korean Media : A Big Data Content Analysis Approach

    CHUNG, Sae Won | 2021, 5(6) | pp.81~106 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    This study aims to examine South Korean media (11 major daily media) coverage on the Russian Federation from 2008 to 2020. The main research methodology for this study was the big data content analysis. The results of this study can suggest the sources of the national image or perceptions of the Russian Federation in South Korea. This study proposes three major findings. First, the Russian Federation was depicted as a hostile global actor. Second, the conservative media was more inclined to describe the Russian Federation negatively. Finally, the media representation did not correspond with South Korea’s New Northern Policy. To overcome such hindrance, this study suggests the media’s in-depth coverage of Russia, and the government’s effort to examine South Korea’s perceptions of Russia and to facilitate closer cooperation with Russia.
  • 5.

    What did the Korean Military Do in Hosting International Sports Competitions? : Focusing on the 1988 Seoul Olympic Games and the 2018 Pyeongchang Winter Olympic Games

    Choi Jung Joon | 2021, 5(6) | pp.107~130 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    This study analyzed the role of the Korean military when holding the international sports competition, as a national policy. Traditionally, military forces have used to protect national security and properties, however, it showed that military forces can support various non military sectors. The Korean military supported lots of manpower, equipment, supplies and facilities for the successful hosting of the 1988 Seoul Olympic Games and the 2018 Pyeongchang Winter Olympic Games. it also contributed to improve some special branch of athlete’s performance by training and supporting them. The public-private, military combined cooperation system, organized for the successful hosting of the two competitions, later became a support model when Korea hosts international sports competitions beyond 1990. In addition to the basic mission of national defense, the military played a key role in emerging as Korea's sports diplomacy and sports powerhouse. As the military's role is expanding to non-military fields as well as traditional military roles, it need to maintain a balance to properly cope with military threat and non-military threat was raised.
  • 6.

    An Analysis of Factors Behind Joining or Not Joining the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) : Cases of South Korea, China, Japan, and India

    Jinhee Seo , Kim Hyun | 2021, 5(6) | pp.131~168 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    This paper aims to explain factors for South Korea, China, and Japan respectively to join the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), which was concluded in November 2020, as well as factors for India not to join it from the perspective of international regime theory. First, the main factor that South Korea joined was because it expected economic gains through trade expansion, as explained by neoliberalism. In addition, as predicted by the neorealist theory, another factor came from the intention of South Korea to enhance its relative position and influence by strengthening comprehensive cooperation with the ASEAN. Second, the main factor for China's accession to the RCEP was anticipated economic gains, which is consistent with the explanation of neoliberal theory. As predicted by the neorealist theory, China intended to increase its position and influence by taking the initiative in establishing a framework for multilateral trade cooperation in East Asia. Third, Japan joined the RCEP mainly in consideration of economic benefits, as predicted by neoliberalism. It also intended to demonstrate leadership in establishing a high-level multilateral free trade order through the RCEP. These factors are also consistent with a neorealist explanation. Fourth, the main reason that India did not join the RCEP was that it expected relative economic losses to China through the RCEP which, in turn, would weaken its relative position and influence in competition with China. This factor is adequately explained by the neorealist theory.
  • 7.

    The Role of Arctic Society for Sustainable Development in the Arctic Circle

    Ra, Mi-kyoung | 2021, 5(6) | pp.169~195 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    The Arctic region is the region that reacts most sensitively to climate change and has the most serious impact from environmental destruction. As natural resource development becomes easier and logistics routes passing through the Arctic Ocean are activated, non-Arctic states, especially China, India, and Japan's strategies for entering the Arctic are diversifying at the national level. The reality is that the geographical space of the Arctic Ocean is expanding beyond the environmental, social, and economic dimensions to the military and security dimensions. International attention is focused on sustainable development of the Arctic Circle. Therefore, the purpose of this study is to evaluate Arctic society, which forms loose forms of governance, as three indicators of organization, institutionalization, implementation, and project evaluation, and to shed light on the roles and challenges of Arctic society for sustainable development. In addition, in the absence of domestic research on SDGs in the Arctic Circle, I would like to find answers to the following questions. First, what is sustainable development and what does it mean? Second, what is sustainable development and what should it look like in the current Arctic situation? How useful and viable are SDGs in the Arctic Circle? Lastly, what are the roles and tasks of the Arctic Council for the sustainable development of the Arctic?
  • 8.

    The constitutional significance and honoring of the Buma Uprising

    Lee, Jang Hee | 2021, 5(6) | pp.197~238 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    This article evaluates the historical and constitutional significance of the Buma uprising from the standpoint that the Buma Democratic Uprising should be understood closely in relation to Kim Jae-gyu's October 26 uprising, and examines appropriate ways to honor the Buma uprising. Looking back on the history of the 1979 Buma Uprising, it was the beginning of the collapse of the Yushin regime, which was completed with the October 26 uprising. Given that there would have been no October 26 without the Buma uprising, and that the historical achievements of the Buma uprising would not have been recognized without the October 26, it is reasonable to combine the Buma uprising and the October 26 uprising into one ‘national resistance.’ Therefore, it can be evaluated that the Buma uprising and the October 26 uprising were the ‘democratic revolution’ as an exercise of resistance to the restoration of ‘liberal democracy’, and that it was the practice of ‘the mission of democratic reform of our country’ stipulated in the Preamble to the Constitution. Therefore, in the constitutional sense, the Buma Democratic Uprising should be defined as the democratic revolution’, that is, the ‘Buma Democratic Revolution’, which succeeded in overthrowing the Yushin dictatorship and restoring liberal democracy. In that sense, it is welcome to designate the Buma Democratic Uprising as a ‘national memorial day’ in 2020, but rather than just commemorating the protests in Busan and Masan, it is desirable to commemorate the ‘Buma Democratic Revolution’. The reason why we commemorate and honor democratic uprising is not only that it played an important role in the history of democratization, but also to make it an important historical example and lesson for people to continue to develop democracy. Therefore, honoring the democratic uprising is not just for the purpose of ‘compensating’ or ‘comforting’ the victim, but to allow future generations to ‘remember’ and ‘sympathize’ the event from a long historical perspective. Honoring people of national merit can be said to be an important constitutional task for the state. In addition, as ‘constitutional principles’ on honoring as a constitutional task, the principle of democracy, legalism of honoring, the principle of proportional honoring, and the principle of practical courtesy were presented. Although the legislator has the legislative discretion to determine the specific details of the ‘right to receive compensation’ as a way of courtesy, the legislator should make a courtesy law for the Buma Democratic Uprising in consideration of these constitutional honoring principles.
  • 9.

    Characteristics of the Korean democratization movement and tasks to commemorate and inherit

    Youngje Lee | 2021, 5(6) | pp.239~268 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    This study, based on the characteristics of the Korean democratization movement, examines the concept of the democratization movement, the achievements, limitations, and characteristics of legal and institutional commemoration, and suggests tasks for the commemorative project. The Korean democratization movement is characterized by persistence and broadness, sacrifice and dedication, publicity and solidarity, citizen participation and support, and formation of a culture of resistance. In order to commemorate the democratization movement and inherit the spirit, it is necessary to establish a concept reflecting the characteristics of the democratization movement. The legal approach to the democratization movement was fruitful in that it formed the foundation for commemoration and inherit. On the other hand, it is facing limitations in that it focuses on damage and excludes various democratization movement events. It will be possible to activate the commemorative project within the consensus of the people by continuously making the democratization movement present and connecting it with the future by recording the perpetrators, universalizing the values of democratization, and preparing the principles and standards of the commemorative project for the democratization movement.
  • 10.

    Discussion on the Law Enactment for the Courtesy to Persons Related to the Busan-Masan Democratization Movements

    Chung, Tae-il , Yeon, Jeong-Lye | 2021, 5(6) | pp.269~296 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    The courtesy of those who were sacrificed in the process of maturing democracy in Korea were established by the constitutional amendment in 1980, and it was expanded from the National Merit Act of 1984 to the 5・18 Merit Act of 2002. But the legal basis for the courtesy to those involved in the Busan-Masan democratization movements has not been established so far. The compensation and honor recovery for those involved in the Busan-Masan democratization movements were made by 65 compensation and 357 honor recovery under the Democratization Compensation Act of 2000 and the Busan-Masan democratization Compensation Act of 2013. However, the courtesy for them is not realistic. The bill on the courtesy of those involved in the the Busan-Masan democratization is being initiated by Kim Hee-gon in 2020 and by Jeon Jae-soo in 2021. Two Bills on the courtesy of those involved in the Busan-Masan Democratization are fully utilizing the 5·18 Merit Act. It is the duty of the state to discuss the enactment of the law on honorable treatment and compensation to those who have sacrificed during the Busan-Masan democratization movements and their families.
  • 11.

    The Meaning of the Buma Democratic Uprising and Historical Tasks in Korean Contemporary History

    Park, Beomjong | 2021, 5(6) | pp.297~326 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    This study aim to elucidate the historical meaning of the Buma Uprising through methods such as oral data and literature research of those who participated in the Buma Democratic Uprising, and to suggest future tasks for the Buma Democratic Uprising. The Buma Democratic Uprising was a democratization movement against the Yushin regime that lasted in Busan and Masan from October 16 to 20, 1979. In particular, the Buma Democratic Uprising led to the collapse of the Park Chung-hee dictatorship regime, which had been in existence for 18 years, when the people emerged as the main body of resistance. And the Buma Democratic Uprising was the spark between the May 18th Gwangju Democratic Uprising in 1980 and the Democratic Uprising in June 1987. In other words, the Buma Democratic Uprising was the starting point and driving force that broke the chain of military dictatorship and allowed democracy to continue in Korea. Therefore, the Buma Democratic Uprising should be properly remembered and commemorated in the history of democracy in Korea. Second, we have to proper investigation about the Buma Democratic Uprising. Third, we have to appropriate compensation those who suffered from the Buma Democratic Uprising. Fourth, it is necessary to reflect on the wrong actions of the media at the time of the Buma Democratic Uprising and to report the correct truth. Fifth, the restoration of the honor of those involved in the Buma Democratic Uprising and enact the Act on Meritorious Persons. Sixth, we have to secured data on the Buma Democratic Uprising. Seventh, it is necessary to develop various education programs inspire historical awareness of Korea's democratization movement.
  • 12.

    Analysis of North Korean Provocation and inter-Korean Armed Conflict in the DMZ : Focusing from the Korean War to 1970s

    Kang-nyeong Kim | 2021, 5(6) | pp.327~353 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    Since the creation of the DMZ, the highest level of military tension between the two Koreas was in the 1960s and 1970s due to North Korean provocations and the occurrence of inter-Korean military clashes. After the signing of the Korean War Armistice Agreement, North Korea's military provocations in the 1960s and 1970s are characterized by ①planning as part of the South Korean Revolution, ②continuing to strengthen system solidarity, ③deepening and expanding inter-Korean division pain. The implications of North Korea's strategy and armed provocation against South Korea can be summarized as ①thorough preparation for North Korea's disguised peace offensive, ②strengthening security capabilities to flexibly respond to any armed provocation, ③avoiding groundless unification groundism and optimism, ④promoting a gradual and step-by-step approach to North Korea's change. Our defense should always be able to prepare for the worst. We should do our best to strengthen our self-help and cooperative defense security capabilities to suppress North Korea's armed provocations at any time and cope stably in case of an emergency.
  • 13.

    Exploring the economic and social status of the South -North border region and the Possibility of Exchange and Cooperation in the South-North Border Region

    Heo Jeongpil | 2021, 5(6) | pp.355~382 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    The main purpose of this study is to explore the possibility of exchange and cooperation in the inter-Korean border area by analyzing the situation of the border region in North Korea in more detail. As a result of checking the administration such as population, area, scope and traffic, climate and disasters to examine the status of the border region with North Korea, it was possible to explain the border region characteristically by classifying it into western, central, and eastern regions. At the First, it is the western border area. In the western border region, light industry based on the Kaesong Industrial District, tourism such as Wang Geonneung, agriculture in Baecheon-gun, and fishery in Yeonbaek-gun developed. In the western border region, industrial development in various fields was progressed due to the level of transportation infrastructure more developed than other border regions and its proximity to Pyongyang. Second, it is the central border area. In the central border region, the development of livestock farming policies in the Sepho district, which has been intensively underway since the Kim Jong-un era, was remarkable. The livestock industry and the livestock industry leading from Sephogun-Icheongun -Pyeongganggun are continuously developing under the direction of the Supreme Leader. Third, it is the eastern border area. In the eastern border region, with Mt. Geumgang as the center, tourism and fisheries were activated in the coastal region, and ecological and mining industries were developed in the inland region. Future plans for inter-Korean exchange and cooperation using the inter-Korean border are as follows. Firstly, in the western border region, it is necessary to present exchange and cooperation in light industry and tourism and sports industry by resuming the existing Kaesong Industrial Complex. Secondly, in the central border region, the livestock industry was more developed in both North and South Korea than in other regions, and in North Korea, livestock farming and livestock farming are systematized as a policy. Third, inter-Korean tourism cooperation is possible through the resumption of the existing Mt. Kumgang tourism cooperation in the eastern border region. In reality, the Mt. Kumgang tourism project can only be activated when tourism cooperation projects between South and North Korea are resumed. Therefore, it is necessary for the government to persuade the United States and the UN Security Council.
  • 14.

    Development and Implications of North Korea's Tactical Nuclear Weapons

    Park, Jae-wan , Sim, Yun-seob | 2021, 5(6) | pp.383~402 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    The purpose of this study is to investigate the progress of North Korea's development of tactical nuclear weapons and its implications for South Korea. North Korea is continuously developing its nuclear capabilities and delivery means to advance its nuclear capabilities and develop tactical nuclear weapons. The most important of nuclear capabilities are nuclear materials such as WGPu, HEU, and tritium and various delivery means. In addition, in order to improve the capability of delivery means are continuously being tested. North Korea's nuclear development stage goes beyond the de facto nuclear weapons state and enters the stage of nuclear strategic operation and nuclear force modernization that can actually operate nuclear weapons, establishing an offensive nuclear posture, and strategically such as coercion to change the status quo. It is expected that the Korean Peninsula will use an active war strategy as well as a strategy of affirmative retaliation. A new response strategy is required for this.
  • 15.

    The integration and development of Peru as a gastronomic country

    Lim Su Jin | 2021, 5(6) | pp.403~427 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    Peru suffered from civil war and economic crisis until the early 1990s, and social conflicts were severe. The small change that started with the appearance of a star chef named Acurio Gaston in 1994 has expanded to a national strategy called the Brand Peru. Peruvian food had the characteristic of indigenous tradition and the diversity of immigrants culture. There were abundant ingredients produced in the Andes, coasts, and the Amazon. As a result of the active food tourism promotion strategy abroad, the number of foreigners visiting Peru to experience Peruvian food has increased, and the food-based tourism industry has also developed. This established the national identity of Peru as a gastronomic country, and changed from being a society of white people to a society where everyone in the Peruvian community was respected. Local community as a grassroots organization accumulated social capital and organically cooperated with the local and central governments to achieve the recovery of the Peruvian community. Peru as a gastronomic country, shows that an inclusive growth that respects human beings should be the goal of economic development.
  • 16.

    Globalization and labour movement on South Korea in 1990s

    Jiyoung Kim | 2021, 5(6) | pp.429~455 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    The aim of this paper is to examine how globalization has influenced the labour movement in South Korea in the 1990s. South Korea has been considered as a state that has experienced the most noticeable labour movement in new industrial countries. As industry promoted by the Korean government had rapid development, labour in South Korea enormously increased between the 1960s and 1980s. Accordingly, the labour movement in South Korea during the three decades grew, despite strong pressure from the government and achieved significant development with the Great Struggle in 1987, and peaked in 1989. However, globalization in South Korea has appeared with an offensive ideology of market supported by the government, a restructuring of the economy including new management, and the Asian financial crisis in the 1990s. This study will explain how the internal and external effects of globalization weakened the labour movement due to the revision of the labour law and the expansion of labour flexibility in Korea.