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The Roman Alphabet (Latin Alphabet) is the most universally utilized alphabet in the world. In 1956, China adopted the Roman alphabet and refashioned it to be used as the “Chinese Phonetic Alphabet.” While the newly minted language offered an opportunity to distill some of the complexities of Mandarin into a form that could be easily interpreted, it also came with a few notable drawbacks. The Roman Alphabet was limited in its ability to accurately represent the phonetic notation of certain Chinese characters. The problem stems from an imbalance of consonants and vowels - while the Chinese relies on the use of complex vowels, most European Languages consist of a plethora of consonants. Thus by nature, the Roman Alphabet is better suited for European languages with complex consonants. From a cognitive perspective, this article explores the nature and representation of a single complex vowel in the Chinese Phonetic Alphabet, the “'wei／-ui'”. Phonetic symbolic systems that were derived from traditional Chinese Phonology, such as the ‘Zhuyin-Mandarin Phonetic Symbols’, utilize the ‘ㄨ’ and ‘ㄟ’ phonetic characters to represent the compound vowel sound ‘ㄨㄟ’. The same compound vowel is represented in the “Chinese Phonetic Alphabet,” through the use of a triphthong vowel, “uei(wei)”. The phonetic symbol consists of a “Medial + Nucleus + Coda.” When “uei” is used in conjunction with an initial consonant, the main vowel “e” is omitted and the sound is represented by the Diphthong vowel, “ui” (Medial + Coda). The tone is marked on the final note of the rhyme, “i”. This anomaly results from the Chinese Pinyin alphabet’s preference for the visual effect of the letters in lieu of an accurate representation of the pronunciation. Several studies have been conducted to demonstrate the efficacy of the Zhuyin-Mandarin Phonetic Symbology system. In the Survey Experiment and the Phonetic Experiment, learners who relied on this symbolic system were able to recognize the complexities of the Chinese syllable structure. The studies also suggested that these learners displayed an advanced degree of pronunciation acquisition. In contrast, most Chinese learners who develop their language abilities using the Chinese Phonetic Alphabet are unaware of the fluidity of the “ui” vowel and how its finals, 'wei[ueɪ]' and 'ui[ui]', adapt to the presence or absence of initials.

The purpose of this paper is to consider the verb usage of 于 in the Oracle bone Inscriptions. The most actively used adposition in ancient Chinese, 于, also appears a lot in oracle bone inscriptions. After 羅振玉 first extracted 于 from the Oracle, 楊樹達 first raised the theory of verb. Since then, 郭錫良 and 張玉金 have presented examples of 于's use of verbs and raised the opinion that the use of adpositions originated from the use of verbs, but there are many objections to this. The presence or absence of 于's verb usage is not only a key to deciphering the Oracle and identifying the origin of Chinese adpositions, but can also be an important source for determining whether the theory of "multilingual adpositions are mostly grammaticalized in verbs" in Chinese. First of all, this paper outlined previous studies on the verb usage of 于 in the Oracle, reviewed the research results on literature data, including 詩經, and analyzed the Oracle text presented by previous researchers as examples of verb usage. As a result of the review of this paper, there was no clear use of verbs in the Oracle.

This article aims to consider labiodentalization that occurred between Early Middle Chinese and Late Middle Chinese. Because Huilin’s Yiqiejingyinyi is a book of transitional period between Early Middle Chinese and Late Middle Chinese period, this book was used in this study. Labial are separated into Bilabial and Labiodental in the Late Middle Chinese period. Karlgren insisted on the occurrence of labiodentalization in the condition of ‘Division Ⅲ + hekou[合口]’. But, his insistence has some problems. Chao Yuen Ren, Pan Wu Yun, Yang Jian Qiao opposed Karlgren’s insistence, and they insisted that labiodentalization occurs when labial is followed by Medial –i- and a Middle·Back vowel. Analyzing the letters and fanqie[反切], we can find three evidences that labiodentalization occurred at this time. First, there is a very small proportion of bilabial and labiodental merged in fanqie. Second, when Huilin took the letters of Xuanyingyinyi and wrote them, he changed all of labial Leigeqie[類隔切] to Yinheqie[音和切]. Third, in Huilin’s Yiqiejingyinyi Feimuzi[非母字] was merged with Fumuzi[敷母字]. Huilin replaced the letters that were bilabial in Xuanyingyinyi to labiodental in Yiqiejingyinyi. By analyzing the letters, it was confirmed that the condition of ‘Medial –i- and a Middle·Back vowel’ was correspond to labiodentalization. The main vowel of the replaced letters are -ɤ-, -ɐ-, -u-, all of which are Middle·Back vowels.

This study aimed to examine the current status of university liberal arts subject Chinese operations and to explore realistic suggestions for 'improvement plan'. In the 21st century, as China's influence expanded further around the world, discussions on how to revitalize Chinese in university liberal arts classes also became active. However, the previously proposed improvement measures were often far from feasible considering the realistic operation situation of university liberal arts subject Chinese. Therefore, this paper examined the operation status of university liberal arts subject Chinese, focusing on Chungnam National University, and examined the current status and best practices of other local national universities. Based on this, in order to improve liberal arts Chinese classes, we propose "theme-oriented classes for each semester," "activation of blended learning," and "strengthening education on mutual cultural understanding." This paper will lead to a follow-up study on how the above-described three measures can be practically applied to the design of liberal arts Chinese classes.

This research aims to study how the notion ‘future’ is expressed in Mandarin and Korean from a trans-East Asian perspective. The purpose of this study is first, to check how the inevitable semantic relationship between the modality and future influences the grammatical markers related to this notion in separate languages. Second, clarify the grammaticalization path of ‘要’ and ‘-겠-’ and discus if there and be an single universal path for grammaticalization of modality and future tense. Plus, verify the influence of the whole language system and diachronic change of other markers on the course of grammaticalization by studying the general typological difference between Mandarin and Korean. There are various ways to express the notion of ‘future’ in various languages that essentially reflect the speaker's perception and judgment. Future can be expressed through a complete tense system, forming a clear paradigmatic relation with past and the present. Future can also be expressed through context-dependent interpretation or other modality markers. Scholars have come up with different views on the grammatical status and grammaticalization process of elements that represent the future in each language. Grammarization is often defined as a process of language change by which content words lose their original meaning and become grammatical markers. The change from lexical and concrete contents to markers that solely serve grammatical functions is made through semantic bleaching and subjectification. The problem is that it is hard to define the grammaticalization path between 'future' and ‘modality’, for it is difficult to specify which of the two is more ‘semantically bleached’ or more ‘grammatical’ when the two notions are conceptually inseparable. This paper aims to show that grammaticalization of the modality marker and the future marker cannot be understood as an one-way process through comparison between ‘要’ and ‘-겠-’ which are the most used forms in expressing future respectively in Mandarin and Korean. Through this, we will show that the grammaticalization is in fact, gravely influenced by other components in the whole language system, and also by certain language’s typological characteristics. And thus, the path of grammaticalization might seem inconsistent at first glance. Through this study, we would like to present a rudimentary idea on how to examine the languages from a trans-Asian perspective and from which, derive language general facts.

The purpose of this study is to analyze the Korean-Chinese translation aspects of neologism appearing in a Korean popular culture content, K-Drama Her Private Life and examine the Korean-Chinese neologism translation strategy of K-video contents from the perspective of Newmark’s communicative translation. Considering the characteristics of ‘popularity (sociality)’, ‘temporal constraint’, and ‘cultural communication function’ of neologism, the concept of neologism is defined as ‘a newly coined word’ and ‘an existing lexical unit given new meaning’ which are widely used by the public and subject to temporal constraints. In this study, communicative translation is defined as a translation method in which the precise contextual meaning of source screen text (SST) into contents and terms acceptable to TL viewers. The Korean-Chinese neologism translation strategy based on communicative translation, which is actually applied to K-video content translation cases, is divided into two main categories and seven detailed translation methods. Communicative translation whose premise is ‘communication’ is meaningful in that it is implemented in a way that target screen text(TST) is recreated so that viewers in the TL culture can easily accept it.

This study is designed to reconstruct phonology of Final Change of Old Chinese[OC] You·Jue·Zhong Group[幽·覺·終部] in Han-Sui Dynasty. The main purpose of this study is reconstruction of the Finals Change of You·Jue·Zhong Group[幽·覺·終部] as reflected in Poetry of Han-Sui Dynasty. And this study also employ Zheng-Zhang’s OC and Middle Chinese[MC] phonology as reference. You·Jue·Zhong Group[幽·覺·終部] had a parallel relationship in OC but by the time of the Han Dynasty that relationship had disappeared. The rate at which the main vowel change is You Group[幽部] > Jue Group[覺部] = Zhong Group[終部] order. The rate of vowel change in the Jue·Zhong Group[覺·終部] is the slowest. The cause is presumed to be the maintain of ending *-ｗɢ(>ɡ), *-ŋ.

This study investigated the changes in modern Chinese vocabulary, such as ‘土豪(tuhao)’, ‘任性(renxing)’, ‘牛(niu)’, ‘(中國)大媽((Zhongguo)dama)’, ‘公知(gongzhi)’, ‘專家(zhuanjia)’, ‘干爹(gandie)’, ‘小秘(xiaomi)’ and ‘門(men)’ from their original value to a positive or negative value since 2000 due to social and cultural influences. The biggest reason for the change in value meaning is the development and widespread use of information and communication technology. Since 2000, news information and buzzwords in broadcasting media have spread rapidly through the medium of the Internet, enabling individuals to share their comments and personal opinions freely with unspecified number of people on social media in the virtual space. Accordingly, the online space has become the main window for social communication and formation of public opinion. This vocabulary research has significance in examining changes in the value system and worldview of the society at the time as well as predicting the changes of the society and the times by reviewing the accuracy and expansion of communication and interaction between the two countries, Korea and China, and transformation patterns. Revealing that relatively more words have transformed to negative values than positive values, this study provides useful data for examining China after 2000 where transformation of positive values is focused on specific areas. In other words, the value and semantic change of vocabulary is a function of cultural elements, and the accurate understanding and use of the changed vocabulary has importance not only in language use but also in Chinese language education.

Spoken language is the most important part of language learning. In order to improve students communicative competence, teachers of Chinese as a foreign language should constantly try new teaching methods. Most Korean students are passive, nervous and slow in their oral expressions. In order to improve students enthusiasm and interest in the classroom, this paper proposes a teaching method that converts the text content into illustrations. The application and function of the graphic method in oral language teaching are introduced in detail, and the specific content is introduced with examples. Combined with my many years of teaching experience, I have designed a teaching plan for the middle-level oral English course in colleges and universities with the actual teaching materials as the center. The teaching design is mainly aimed at the graphic teaching of text dialogues and short texts. And 12 South Korean college students were taught. After class, a questionnaire survey was carried out to all students, which was affirmed and recognized by the students. They believe that the graphic method plays an important role in the learning process of oral English texts. This teaching method not only increases the interest of the classroom, but also improves their oral expression ability. Graphic method is an effective auxiliary teaching method in oral English teaching, which is worthy of reference.

This paper attempts to thoroughly explore Korea's position and Su Zhe's understanding of Qidan through analysing the "Twenty-eight Poems of Envoys to Qidan" left by him. Su Zhe is a scholar and politician in the northern Song Dynasty en route to Qidan to explore the external views and his personal perceptions . Therefore, this study systematically reviews and compares the data of Su Zhe's articles before and after returning to Qidan, aiming to reveal the position of the north area on the national Qidan. Significantly, with a possible explanation from the "Twenty-eight Poems of Envoys to Qidan" analysis, it is found that Su Zhe showed contempt rather than fear towards Qidan without previous instance. Yet, It's shows a gradual attitude of objective understanding upon a lived experience. As a result, Su Zhe's intentionality of Qidan, exposed to reveal deviate from contempt to respect. Thus, lead to explore ways of coexistance in understanding by proposing realistic and practical political suggestions.

Domestic novels characterized by "united construction of the family and the state" became cultural allegories writing the principles of regulating the family, ruling the state because ancient China and Korea were patriarchalisms with "one's family dominates the wide nation" as the model, thus showing common cultural characters. Family fate and the national fate of the Golden Lotus, and Sasinamjeonggi, which are the precedents of Chinese and Korean domestic novels, constitute an relationship of intertextuality and metaphor.From the point of view of "regulating the family", both works focus on expressing the concept of "ruling the country by regulating the family". The two works responded to history through allusions, and narrated practical thoughts that they are supposed to express. This writing pattern not only laid the foundation for the narrative mode of Chinese and Korean domestic novels of later generations, but also had indelible influence on the development of narrative literature in East Asia.

This study is about Taiwan's 'spatial turn'. Overall, the study focuses on three directions. First, it is revealed that there was a government-level plan for urban space in Taiwan's movement to replace the island's name 'Taiwan' with 'Republic of China'. In particular, art and culture movements such as the ‘1st Taipei Biennale’, which took place during the reign of Denghui Lee in 1996, were an opportunity to experiment with how to educate the people who live and live in empty spaces. Afterwards, the Taiwanese government will carry out full-fledged 'cultural and creative industries' with the 'Culture Establishment Committee' at the center. Second, the temporality of space, in particular, the issue of how to rearrange the historicity, personal memories, and experiences of urban spaces currently occupied by Taiwan through the Japanese colonial period and the Republic of China period is examined in a different way. Here, each space in Taiwan examines the way space was divided during the Japanese colonial period and the movements to reorganize the traces into a completely new sense, not simply nostalgia. Third, the direction of the Taiwanese government, which tried to politically operate the economic concept of 'cultural and creative industries', is illuminated. It is clearly located in 'industry', but it is quite on the line of modernist enlightenment thinking to reorganize consciousness and identity. At the same time, the 'cultural industries' derived from it are also presenting a new industrial framework for Taiwan's future.

The Korean film Himalayas and the Chinese film The Climbers have several similarities. First, these two films are the first climbing films in Korea and China respectively. Second, they were made into blockbuster films. Third, both films are based on true stories. Despite many things in common, there are many differences between the two films. The Himalayas are not interested in promoting political ideology. The film depicted climbers as a kind of "ordinary people" and reproduced they, called ‘San-jaeng-yi’ accomplished their extraordinary and heroic roles. On the other hand, The Climbers told the achievements of China's national climbers who climbed Mount Everest. In particular, it highlighted their patriotism which they did not hesitate to make sacrifices to fulfill the mission given by the state with, and focused on promoting patriotism through it. From this point of view, it can be seen that Chinese mainstream film used patriotism, while Korean mainstream commercial film the Himalayas used the humanity of ordinary people as the important selling points of the film. The Climbers, however, can be criticized for its anachronistic patriotism, because it excessively emphasized the sacrifice of the people for the nation. In addtion, it revealed an error that failed to absorb the characteristics of action movies and romance movie genres. Recently, Chinese mainstream Films has performed relatively well at the box office in China. But The Climbers became a failure case as a Chinese mainstream film.

Tencent, which entered the game industry in 2003, has grown to become the world’s largest online game company in just a decade. This paper analyzes Tencent’s success factors in connection with the paradigm shift from game development to game distribution and from PC games to mobile games, and attempts to draw lessons for Korean game companies. Tencent, which pursued growth through game distribution rather than game development early on, became China’s No. 1 game company establishing a unique cooperation model with global game companies amid difficulties in importing and publishing overseas games due to the Chinese government’s rigid game licensing system. With the paradigm shift to mobile internet, Tencent took the lead in converting PC Messenger (QQ) to mobile messenger (WeChat), effectively linking messenger accounts to mobile games, and using it as a kind of distribution channel. WeChat’s power and influence in China paved the way for Tencent to expand its distribution channels with Mini Program in spite of Apple’s strong checks. In addition, Tencent’s independent Android App Market (MyApp) has contributed to increasing the utilization of its payment methods such as WeChat Pay when making game-related payments. As such, Tencent was able to grow in a relatively short period of time by becoming a kind of “toll-keeper” on the Chinese game and app market frontiers. As the paradigm of the game industry is shifting from mobile games to multi/cross platform cloud games amid conflicts with Google and Apple over in-app payments and commission, Tencent’s “toll-keeper” strategy suggests that Korean game companies should actively seek a role as a new “toll-keeper” by developing game-specialized app markets and cloud-based app game platforms, besides remaining as game developers.

Tencent is well-positioned as a mega-platform with multiple cultural content platforms to build a unique cultural ecosystem and lead the cultural content industry in China. Compared to other leading OTT platforms in China, Tencent Video has a favorable environment for building and producing its own IP content through collaboration with various cultural content platforms under Tencent. This study examines the status and characteristics of Tencent Video in the Chinese video industry in order to understand how Tencent Video and its cultural ecosystem are organized. Tencent Video is a leading platform for making and distributing drama and entertainment shows, producing documentary content, and entering the global market. It is also a platform for building movie libraries and providing various imported video content. Furthermore, Tencent Video shares common characteristics with other Chinese OTT platforms in terms of content production and acquisition, payment systems, and contributions to the development of China's video content industry. However, it distinguishes itself through collaboration with other cultural content platforms of Tencent, its profit-making process with unique payment and advertising systems, and its distinct streaming system compared to other Chinese OTT platforms.

Since the reform and opening of the market, Chinese music consumption has always been centered on illegal storage devices. Due to illegal tapes, illegal CDs, and illegal MP3 downloads, consumers in China were not used to paying for music. Although music consumption has changed to platform-based, Chinese consumers are still reluctant to open their wallets to music streaming apps, and in fact, the number of paid subscribers to Chinese music apps is significantly lower than that of other countries. The absolute majority of the revenue from the Tencent music app comes from live broadcasting. The "tip" system provided by users to BJs in live broadcasting is the biggest method of generating profits. Unlike the West, China does not have a tip culture to thank when it is provided, but how did the mentality of paying for music services, which are the basic functions of the original music app, but willing to pay on live broadcasts form? To this end, various music apps have devised numerous competitive systems. The design of the platform brings out a kind of behavior.

This study identified the external factors of the expansion of the free reading platform by paying attention to the background of the transition to the Tencent direct management system and the resulting conflict with the primary creators. To this end, I first explained the current status of the free platform, the background of the advancement, and the change in the profit structure of Yuewen, which occurred in conjunction with this. And I revealed the response of Yuewen's platform, the representative of the paid model, through new copyright contracts for copyrights and walkthrough analysis of and apps. Through this, at a time when competition for preoccupation of global cultural content between platforms is fierce, it was confirmed that a differentiated operation method centered on fans and IP in the face of a new challenging environment of free platforms. In addition, it predicted the possibility that China's web novel platform will develop separately into a free model of 'advertisement-data' and a paid model of 'contents-IP'.

Director Jia Zhangke has been in film for more than 20 years, and his film style has undergone subtle changes, which is also reflected in the shaping of his father's image. The image of the father in Jia Zhangke's films, with "Still life" as the boundary, presents obviously different characteristics in the early and late works. Combining the background of the era of film creation and personal emotional experience, this change can be regarded as a whole. The transformation from the image of "parents(父辈)" to the specific image of "father(父亲)". The early father image can be regarded as Jia Zhangke’s aesthetic expression of the era’s cognition from the overall perspective of a new generation of directors, and the later father image can be regarded as Jia Zhangke’s emotional externalization of his father’s complex from the level of individual experience. In addition, judging from the emotional tendency of the father image, the father image in the early stage is almost all negative, and the relationship between father and son (daughter) is also opposite, the father images in the later period are almost all neutral and positive, and the relationship between father and son (daughter) is also interlinked.