Korean | English

pISSN : 2466-1759

2020 KCI Impact Factor : 0.36
Home > Explore Content > All Issues > Article List

2012, Vol., No.30

  • 1.

    Study on re-considerrtion of 「Imja Yeonhangbyeolgok」's author and year of written

    Kwak, Mi-ra | 2012, (30) | pp.5~30 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    This study is to correct the misrepresented author of 「Imja Yeonhangbyeolgok(壬子燕行別曲)」 to Seokbeom SEO, Yeom Soon(徐念淳, 1800-?) in 19th century, introducing specific literal characteristics and contents those caused mis-judging the author as Dogok LEE, Eui Hyeon(李宜顯, 1699-1745) in 18th century, by re-considering Yeonhangbyeolgok’s year of written. When 「Imja Yeonhangbyeolgok」 in 『Gasasori』 was introduced first in an academy, Dogok LEE, Eui Hyeon had been judged as its author and it had great value as a reference under the circumstance that Yeonhang Gasa had not yet been revealed. However, the results had caused by inaccurate understanding on its different versions. 「Imja Yeonhangbyeolgok」 is the same with 「Yeonhangbyeolgok」 written by CHOI, Woo Hyeong (1805-1878) which was introduced through 「Yeonhangrokhaeje」 in 2003 and it was attached to 『Jukhajib(竹下集)』, his collection. In this study, 「Imja Yeonhangbyeolgok」 in 『Jukhajib』 and 「Imja Yeonhangbyeolgok」 in 『Gasasori(가사소리)』 were compared each other and analyzed in detail to verity exact author and the year of the book that was written. At the end of the analysis, in the book it was revealed that 1852 was the Imja(壬子). Through three evidences; first point that CHOI, Woo Hyeong went to Saeunsa as Seojanggwan, second, “Do Seonsaeng” meant governor, not Dogok LEE, Eui Hyeon and third, it described HONG, Gyeong Rae’s war in 1811 in the book, it was figured out that the author was not Dogok, LEE, Eui Hyeon. In addition, the author of 「Imja Yeonhangbyeolgok」 seemed to be determined as CHOI, Woo Hyeong because this was attached to 『Jukhajib』 written by CHOI, Woo Hyeong, indicated on CHOI, Woo Hyeong’s profile and preface of 『Jukhajib』. However, one possibility came up that it would be written by Jeongsa SEO, Yeom Soon who was dispatched with CHOI, Woo Hyeong as an ambassador because there was a signature called “Sheogwan Sheo, Ryeom Syun” on the left bottom of the title, 「Imja Yeonhangbyeolgok」 in 『Gasasori』. By comparison with profiles for 2 persons based on “contribution for 4 kings(歷事四朝)” and “promotion to higher position such as Panseo(致位八座)”, it was confirmed that SEO, Yeom Soon was the person who fit to contents and profiles in the book. After a careful review of their position at the time they were dispatched. SEO, Yeom Soon was a governor of Hwanghae-do in 1842. It was 10 years before she was sent as an ambassador in 1852. With this proof, it was possible to understand the paragraph “Do seonsaeng 10 years ago”. Through the study above, it was cleared that 「Imja Yeonhangbyeolgok」 was written by SEO, Yeom Soon. For this reason, previous study judging that this book was written by Dogok LEE, Eui Hyeon, bibliographic introduction that introduced CHOI, Woo Hyeong as the author, and other various biographic intelligences should be corrected. When the author of 「Imja Yeonhangbyeolgok」 is corrected, the expected main change would be the time book was written. So far, there are only 7 Yeonhang Gasas in the late of Joseon Dynasty. As 「Imja Yeonhangbyeolgok」 having characteristics in 17th century and 19th century was ascertained as the work made in 19th century, the possibilities that a variety forms of Yeonhang Gasa in the late of Joseon Dynasty would be written were figured out. In other words, 「Imja Yeonhangbyeolgok」 plainly provides an opportunity to re-discuss about uniformly judged Yeonhang Gasa’s characteristics appeared in 17th and 19th century. As a result, those works such as detailed analysis, characteristics and outlook shall be re-evaluated based on the study above illustrating 「Imja Yeonahngbyeolgok」 was written by SEO, Yeom Soon in 19th century. Meanwhile, there shall be needs of keeping responsibilities that Yeonhang Gasa’s aspect in 19th century including tendency in 17th century constantly identified, and prospect for the study shall be extended.
  • 2.

    Whang Sang's forest life and the poetic figuration

    kimkouson | Gu Sawhae | 2012, (30) | pp.31~56 | number of Cited : 5
    Abstract PDF
    In this paper, we investigate of Whang Sang's forest life and the inner consciousness. In recently, a composition and management of Whang Sang's Ilsoksanbang is released related materials. Ilsoksanbang was over 10 meters into the valley from the main building in the back seat holding, where the water flows overlap the mountain was where the cloud abode. There was a small thatched house was barely enough space to body. Ilsoksanbang was named by Jung hakyeon. It is the immensity of the world in the sense that ranged from very small space saving. According to Whang Sang's discussion, the vast ocean of the people is like a grain of millet. However, the big and the small things like the end of the border, saying there is no meaning ilsoksanbang are exploring seriously. He put a certain distance from secular nature were continued to lead with a free daily in Ilsoksanbang. Looking at the works of his forest life, he was a spiritually rich and materially poor, but free. He put a certain distance from secular nature were continued to lead with a free daily in Ilsoksanbang. Where he writes poetry, enjoying tea and tobacco enjoyed a free life with nature.
  • 3.

    Lianluo-poetic Style appeared in the Poetry of Haseo Kim Yin-hoo

    Kim Dong-ha | 2012, (30) | pp.57~92 | number of Cited : 3
    Abstract PDF
    Haseo Kim Yin-hoo was one of the most distinguished Neo-Confucianist in the middle period of Chosun Dynasty. He has been respected as a permanent teacher all endowed with ethics, fidelity, and writing. Furthermore, he is the only person local to Honam Province commemorated in the Confucian Shrine as one of the 18 wisest men from Sinla Kingdom through Chosun Dynasty. Significantly he was brilliant in moral philosophy. So, he was praised as a Zhou Lianxi of Chosun or Confucius of Honam Province. Above all, Haseo was a gifted writer. He had shown a talent for literature from just childhood around age of five. In fact, he was a great poet writing about 1600 pieces of poetry written in Chinese-characters, and an eminent leader playing a key role in Honam literary circles in 16th century. His poetic works had a variety of literary characteristics transcending the literary style and formation. Some poetic works have free Tang-poetic style, while others have ideological Song-poetic style. However, Haseo was a typical Neo-Confucianist rather than a poet or a writer. As a result, most of his poetry has a tendency towards moral philosophy. They are, a sort of Song-style poetry, that is, Lianluo-poetic Style poets. He thought that the literature is a trifling skill. So, he always faithfully followed the theory of Dao-containing literature that literary works contain a Confucian ideology and concepts mainly asserted by Zhou Dunyi and four virtuous gentlemen of the Song Dynasty in China. This paper is divided into three parts. First, I will look into the notion and origin of Lianluo-poetic Style. I will compare the difference between Tang- poetic style with Song-poetic style. Second, I will compare Haseo's Lianluo-poetic Style with other Neo-Confucianists' poetry. This will be done using 3 categories; the Fengya theory of 'the Book of Odes', the cultivation of one's mind theory through the four books and the three classics, and Cosmology theory of Neo-Confucianism. Finally, I will discover the unique characteristic of Haseo's Lianluo-poetic Style.
  • 4.

    Wolbonghaesangnok Travelogue, and Its Descriptive Characteristics and Its Author's Attitude

    kim, mi-sun | 2012, (30) | pp.93~124 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    Records of overseas experiences by prisoners of Imjin Wareran (Japanese invasion of Joseon) have a common descriptive structure, but they each have their own unique individuality due to authors' different journeys and their attitudes. This paper examines the characteristics of Wolbonghaesangnok Travelouge by Jeong Hui-deuk (1575~1640) by studying descriptive characteristics based on his journey and attitude. First, descriptive characteristics of Wolbonghaesangnok were defined as his strong expression of wish for returning home and his domestic journey description. Jeong Hui-deuk, when captured by the Japanese soldiers, saw his mother and his full-term pregnant wife commit suicide, and left behind his father and his two young children in Joseon. He was a common citizen with no government job, and loved his family so much. While staying overseas as a hostage, he expressed his extreme sorrow for inability to return home, and stated his strong wish to return home. He stayed overseas for the shortest period compared with Gang Hang and Inno, but a strong expression of wish to return home can be found only in Wolbonghaesangnok. Hostages, who were taken to Japan during the Japanese invasion of Joseon, arrived in Busna after experiencing many hardships, and returned to their hometowns with the state being unable to providing any support to them. Jeong Hui-deuk described his journey details including those not described by Gang Hang and Noin after arriving in Joseon. He thus showed a wider range of overseas experience that Joseon prisoners of war taken to Japan could have, as well as the story of his return to his hometown where he met his children, thus wrapping up his journey. In addition, Wolbonghaesangnok was found to reflect a personal tragic attitude. Jeong Hui-deuk ceaselessly described his longing for and affection toward his family, because he wrote a personal tragedy of the pain of separating from his family. Also, Jeong Hui-deuk showed his affection toward not only his colleagues suffering tragedy but also low-class slaves, thus exposing his sad feelings. This is the reflection of the attitude of a person who suffered from sorrow, not as a master and nobleman with authority. Such attitude made Wolbonghaesangnok become the work that best described the bitter sorrow of Joseon prisoners of war during the Japanese invasion of Joseon.
  • 5.

    Choi Nam Sun's Perception of Kosijo (古時調) and its Significance Represented in the Magazine Chungchun (靑春)

    Kim, Yun-Hee | 2012, (30) | pp.125~152 | number of Cited : 6
    Abstract PDF
    This thesis attempts to discuss the perception and significance of kosijo (古詩調) through analysing the characteristics of pieces from the magazine, Chungchun (靑春), published since 1918. Ahn Jung Sik, who introduced modern speech, visualized four pieces of sijo in painting. His endeavor accounts for Choi Nam Sun's intention to achieve more public appeal by including kohojo in the magazine. In addition to the visual materials, Chungchun had nine pieces of sijo and one translated in Chinese under the title of Sijohanyok (時調漢譯). Choi seems to focus on the possibility that literary structure could be broadened into more varied poetic concepts when sijo was translated into Chinese. It indicates that sijo also had as much room for annotation as translated poems. The selection became more systematic under Kokumsijosun (古今時調選) in Chungchun vol. 12 published in 1918. According to the context revealed in the introduction of Kokumsijosun, Choi attempted to establish the literary history of sijo as the national literary written in the native language. He organized Kokumsijosun by applying the compiling method of Taedongsisun (大東詩選), which adopted a chronological order. As well known, Choi, proclaiming the theory in sijo in earnest since the mid 1920s, led the revival of sijo. Therefore, the development of his perception in sijo found in the magazines, Sonyun and Chungchun, published in the 1910s is highly noteworthy in the history of literature as the chain of his thoughts matured and developed before the theory in sijo was surfaced is represented in kosijo published through these magazines.
  • 6.

    A Study on <Hwasocheonnonsiyukjeol> of Maecheon Hwanghyeon

    kimjinwook | 2012, (30) | pp.153~176 | number of Cited : 3
    Abstract PDF
    In this paper, A Study on <Hwasocheonnonsiyukjeol> of Maecheon hwanghyeon. Whose name was Hwanghyen, who killed himself honorably with his four stanza <ChelMyengSi> on the kyeng Swul National Humiliation Day in the fourth of Yung Hyu, which fell on the twenty-ninth of August in 1910. One of the greatest poets in the period of Choson Dinasty, HwangHyon, Maechon, he showed his talent by revealing. The materials for writing in his head as things he wanted to forgvet through the theory on Chinese poems, and tem pieces of poem of Chong Yon II Taek ki chil chol sib sa su Eu Ki Wun Hi Jak Lon si Jab chol I sa, and is to his evaluated poems on Korean Literary poems on. Though a through study of the Poem, I tried to combine the poetic historical events of grand Poets in Korea since Ko Wun, to understand the underlying currents of Korean People's emotions for the Possibility the traditional contact between the old literature and the modern literature in order to serve the world literature through the national literature with deep research for the fountain-head of the Eastern Study. I When he became indignant at the successive serious situation of both internal worries and fears of foreign invitation in the gloomy national affairs after the two great revolutions in Im-O and kap-sin, he reprimanded the Present wicked and nation… selling officials be means of writing 『Maychen Ya Lock』 in his distinguished style. As the indulged in So DongPa and YUK MuKwan's style in making a poem, he rejected the poems of Dong's period, and he preferred DoPo's melancholy instead of Lee Bark's open-minded heart. He evaluated patriotic poems mush higher than those of nature for he his patriatism into a spornful of rice, and he had a different view in appreciating the poems between him and his friend, Wang so-chon and different from Jong Il-Taek's, too. As the title shows here this brief writing is not Mae-chon's regular Literary theory but a mere writing for amusement and poems written according to the rhyms, so the figures I mentioned here are restricted and the works I dealt with are only a part, too. In the end I attached fourteen stanza Poem <Hwasocheonnonsiyukjeol> to the last part of the Paper, but I did not study these Poems in detail, but I regarded them as a guide to the last part of this paper, but I did not study these Poems in details, but I regarded them as a guide to the detailed study in the future.
  • 7.

    A study on the content of “Manbunga”

    Yeonseok Ryu | 2012, (30) | pp.177~206 | number of Cited : 3
    Abstract PDF
    The automatic concept that "Manbunga" must be "Yeon-gun-ga-sa" because of the author's origin as a Korean noble class so called "Yangban" is not always correct, especially in this case "Manbunga". The intensive efforts to research on the author's biographical environment had made to understand the author's exact intention to write "Manbunga". To get a grip on the content of "Manbunga", the work on a understanding the sentence structure and characteristic of "Manbunga" had been required`. The most important thing has found from this research is that the author's emotion to the king during the work on "Manbunga" was not the same as other authors who wrote the "Yeon-gun-ga-sa" expressing their loyalty with love to the king. The "Manbunga" had written by the author who had a loyalty with anger to the king. The new approach to understand "Manbunga" has been possible by this additional consideration and efforts above.
  • 8.

    Several Scenes on Diplomatic Trip Route to Beijing of Yu Mong-In in Summer 1609 From Aprokgang River to Guangning

    LEE SEANGSU | 2012, (30) | pp.207~240 | number of Cited : 6
    Abstract PDF
    Yu Mong-In started the third diplomatic trip to Beijing in early May 1609. His title was the chief delegate. He wrote about 250 poems until he came back in Nov. Those poems form a variety of extensive spectrum showing his inner emotion and the view of the world. This paper aimed to investigate the thoughts of Yu Mong-In at that time by analyzing his 52 poems written during about 20 days from Aprokgang River to Guangning among his 250 poems. The microscopic investigation will be useful to identify the vital aspects of a person in a specific period and will be the important basis to understand and reconsider Yu Mong-In and the times when he lived. The first discussion was the form of poem. He wrote 52 poems in the route from Aprokgang river to Guangning. Of them, there are 20 long poems with more than 12 phrases. It is very special case. It is characterized as the uncontrolled burst of passion itself. Those poems showed the tendency of overflow and release rather than implication and restraint of psychology or aesthetic consciousness of Yu Mong-In at that time. Hatred against political reality, specific situation ‘trip’, and extensive geography in Liaoning different from Joseon would have influence on those characteristics in combination. The dimensional structure using dialogue style and dynamic conversion of poetic concept were collateral phenomenon. Yu Mong-In was the unemployed for about one year because of the political change at that time. Thus, his health and psychology were very intimidated. Moreover, he was in very bad mood when starting the diplomatic trip to Beijing. His such mental state continued. However, Yu Mong-In didn’t give his psychology to conventional self-complaint or weak feeling. With unique enthusiasm and wills for experience in broader world, Yu Mong-In was very excited to experience new culture and enlarge the experience in spite of uneasiness. He pledged his aspiration and mission as the delegate again and again. Diplomatic trip to Beijing was painful but the most exciting and valuable for him. Thus, he maintained the proper tension in his spirit and mind.
  • 9.

    Problems of Translation of Heo Kyun’s Collecton of Works and Classics in Classical Chinese\

    Chung Kil-soo | 2012, (30) | pp.241~272 | number of Cited : 3
    Abstract PDF
    I researched several problems of translation of a collection of works and Korean classical literature in classical Chinese, focusing Heo Kyun許筠(1569~1618)’s Seongso-bubugo and Ulbyeong-jocheonrok. Accordingly I pointed out the mistranslation caused by mistakes of input and revision, incorrect translations of titles, and errors in translation from not being able to understand the context concretely. Also, I suggested alternative measures, and extracted the causes of mistranslation. As a result, I suggested the following points to be duly considered in translation of classics in classical Chinese:1) To estimate the appropriate amount of translation 2) To take practical measures to strengthen revision and supervision 3) To modify and supplement the published translation
  • 10.

    A Study on Poong'un'roi'oo Akjang

    Kyu Ick Cho | 2012, (30) | pp.273~302 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    From traditional ear, factors of weather like wind, cloud, thunder, and rain have been performed enshrinement in Sancheondan on a large scale with the God of village shrine, those had an important meaning in people's comfort and safety or richness. Favorable weather was an absolute condition, grain's enough growth was connected directly with people's life. Therefore, people thought grain as their Heaven, King who wished to do the rule of virtue thought people as his Heaven. As a matter of fact, the rite for the God of Poong'un'roi'oo, God of Sancheon, God of village shrine was a popular belief which was possible to be pointed out as a rite for vicious God in the Confucian society. Nevertheless, the measure that they absorbed them as ceremonies of national rites and took charge of them in central government is related with the dynasty's philosophy that they wanted to establish a system of power centralization, at the same time, let the people's mind concentrate to national development. We can make ascertain Poong'un'roi'oo akjang not getting out of tradition making akjang with the level capturing the phrases from old books like the other a-ak akjangs. Byeon, Gye-Ryang, the maker of Poong'un'roi'oo Akjang kept a key position in the discussion about the ceremonies of national rites as the greatest civil service, nevertheless, he simply widened akjang's conventionality. He made Jeonpye akjang for praising the virtue of Poong'un'roi'oo and praying benediction, Choheonsancheon akjang for praising the virtue of mountains and streams, and praying benediction, Choheonseonghwang akjang for praising the virtue of village shrine's God and praying benediction, Cheolbyeondoo akjang for praying benediction after performing enshrinement politely. There were some changes in the order and contents right after revising or shifting the processes of enshrinement in the akjang works made by Byeon, Gye-Ryang. He composed the akjang works with assembling the phrases from the old books, or motifs borrowed from the other akjangs ahead, or created by himself. It is a convention making a-ak akjang at that time. He composed Seonjam akjang with the Poong'un'roi'oo akjang, it is very possible that he made Seonjam akjang, guessing the similar technique, we can not conclude hastily yet.
  • 11.

    A study on accptance And Configuration Of Senery By Haseo Kim In Who

    Han seong geum | 2012, (30) | pp.303~328 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    Haseo Kim, In-Who was an outstanding literary person and Taoist of the 16thcentury. As he perceived poetry as a linguistic device for Taoism and wrote a number of poetry based on Taoism, his poetry was considered as poetry of nature and Taoism by many. This study aims to speculate his perspective and feeling on natural sceneries, suggesting that there were only a few studies on the nature in his poetry although he was very sensitive to the nature and wrote a lot about it. It is expected that the results will contribute to studying diversification of poetry by Kim, In-Who. His perception on natural sceneries is as follows: Kim, In-Who, a thorough Taoist, considered the nature as aplace of training himself. Therefore, the nature was configured as a crystal-clear emotion of a learned man in his poetry. It was a space where he could dream transcending the society in disharmony and conflicts between self and the society. Being pushed out from political competition, he relieved his agony and grief in the nature and entrusted the nature with unworldly thoughts and sentiment. The nature was the space of excitement and aesthetic consciousness, whichis noteworthy in respect to his natural perception. He wrote a number of poetry which showed his exclusion of Confucian ideas in natural sceneries. The poetry has additional literary values as it described aesthetic consciousness through being immersed in beauty of the nature. Although he shared the perspective on poetryTaoists had at that time, he was open to nature-oriented emotion. He was different from other Taoists who were aware of emotion as a subject to be controlled and compelled emotional control and as a result, it is judged that he made a great contribution to expansion of Taoic literature.
  • 12.

    매천 황현의 <園植十五咏> 형상화 방식

    Hwang, Su-jeong | 2012, (30) | pp.329~360 | number of Cited : 3
    Abstract PDF
    본고는 梅泉 黃玹(1855∼1910)의 <園植十五咏> 형상화 방식을 연구한 것이다. 매천의 자연 초목에 대한 미적 형상화를 고찰하였다. <園植十五咏>은 매천의 나이 46세 때인 1900년에 지은 것이다. 당시 매천이 구례 만수동에서 우거하고 있을 때이다. 매천은 집 정원에 두른 梧桐, 檟, 柿, 石榴, 竹, 芭蕉, 菊, 牡丹, 梅, 松, 桑, 槐, 百日紅, 栗, 人蔘 등을 오언시로 묘사하였다. 15가지 초목을 형상화하여 자연 초목에 대한 인식을 표출하였다. 시인의 자연 초목에 대한 인식과 미의식을 탐색할 수 있는 좋은 자료이다. 시 연구에 있어 미의식을 추적하는 일은 시인의 예술적 감각을 알 수 있는 첩경이다. 이 연구는 명명된 15가지 꽃과 나무의 형상화를 통한 미의식 고찰에 목적이 있다. 먼저 <園植十五咏> 제작의도 및 방법의 측면에서 살펴보았다. 우선 매천이 이 작품을 창작할 수 있었던 배경을 추론하였다. 여기서는 두 가지 점을 들 수 있었다. 그의 심미적 취향의 표출 욕구를 들 수 있다. 매천은 일반적인 군자의 표상인 사군자 등의 묘사에 머무르지 않았다. 그는 오히려 다양한 자연 초목에 관심을 두었다. 일상 삶의 주변에 있으면서도 미적으로 크게 주목받지 못했던 초목들에도 관심을 두었다. 이는 매천의 사물에 대한 관조와 삶에 대한 깊은 사유에서 표출된 것이다. 따라서 자연 초목에 시인의 성정을 담고 관조하여 독특한 미의식을 형성했다. 그의 시 표현방법에 있어서도 긴 호흡의 장시가 대부분이다. 이를 초목과의 인연이나 관계를 묘사한 도입부와 중심 묘사부, 그리고 詩意를 표출한 결말부로 대부분 3단 구성을 이루었다. 마치 이야기를 전해주듯 단편서사시적인 구조와 유사한 형태로 자연 초목을 형상화하였다. 매천이 노래한 15가지 초목을 다음 세 가지 구분하여 분석할 수 있었다. 먼저 <菊>, <石榴>, <芭蕉>, <人蔘>, <梧桐>, <竹>의 시는 위안과 자족으로 형상화하였다. 다음은 <檟>, <梅>, <桑>, <百日紅>, <牡丹>은 경계와 관조로 표출되었다. 그리고 <松>, <槐>, <栗>, <杮>는 멋과 탈속으로 미적 구현이 이루어졌다고 볼 수 있다. 첫째, 위안과 자족의 형상화는 자연이 주는 아름다움에서 인간과 자연이 어우러진 합일점에 접근한 것이다. 매천은 자연을 통해 인간이 획득할 수 있는 감성을 도출하여 즐거움과 위안을 얻고자 하였다. 이는 <菊>, <石榴>, <芭蕉> 등을 통해 화려하지 않으면서 자신의 미적 소임을 다하는 소박하고 고졸한 정서로 표출하였다. 둘째, 경계와 관조의 형상화는 <檟>, <梅> 등을 통해서 자신의 삶을 돌아보고 성찰하여 경계를 늦추지 않는 삶의 자세를 읽을 수 있었다. 이로써 사물에 대한 관조와 단단한 삶의 철학을 표출한 것이다. 셋째, 멋과 탈속의 형상화는 <松>, <槐> 등을 중심으로 고찰하였다. 매천은 시적 표현을 고정된 정감의 부호에 국한시키지 않았다. 매천 나름의 방식으로 자유롭게 사유하고 자연과 交融하고자 하였다. 이는 곧 낭만적인 상상으로 이어져서 탈속적 분위기를 이끈 것이다. <園植十五咏>은 자유로운 정감 표출 속에 작가의 독특한 사유를 바탕으로 미적 발현에 충실했다는 것에 의미가 있다. 따라서 우리 선인의 자연 초목에 대한 사유와 미의식을 드러낼 수 있었다. 현대 사회에서 이러한 멋과 예술을 발전적으로 활용할 수 있기를 기대한다.