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2008, Vol.14, No.3

  • 1.

    Identity of Israel and it's Vision

    Han, Dong-Gu | 2008, 14(3) | pp.10~30 | number of Cited : 6
    Abstract PDF
    Seeking a will of God played a crucial role in the Israelite history as it developed as vision of the Israelite people and their national hope. Particularly the importance of 'vision' was well acknowledged when they experienced the severe crisis of the fall of their nation, and it was articulated as their national identity. The present study will demonstrate the visions in the Old Testament as models for overcoming the crisis of the Korean church and society. Methodologically it will examine the development of the traditions, historically, from which the visions induced. The early vision of Israel was of physical strength in order to meet strong neighbouring nations; though later was it admitted that it is impossible for Israel to be a central nation in the world or prevail over crisis by means of physical strength, of which means God does not approve. Israel, on the other hand, began to identify itself as mediator of blessing. Prophet Jeremiah encouraged the people to pray on behalf of the enemies; this shift of the attitude of Israel could become a seed for the blessing and comfort for many other nations. In the patriarchal narratives of Genesis the ancestors of Israel had a vision that they would be mediators of blessing for the world. Based on the specific value of their own (i.e., those who treat them kindly will be blessed by God, and those who ignore them will be cursed by God), the blessing of YHWH became universal and all the nations could possibly be one as family. Prophet Ezekiel could envisage a holy community when he saw a vision of Jerusalem and the Israelite land being restored, and of the water of life flowing from the temple. The water could spirit the people and enrich the world, and it does flow from the holy temple of YHWH. Many leaders of Israel envisaged their nation standing up at the centre of the world. While the prophets could simultaneously see the gloomy reality before their eyes and the new world God presents, they proclaimed the coming of the new world by God. At the beginning the restoration of Zion was what envisaged, but later, gradually, the 'change' by applying the principle of just life, not of physical strength, was being sought. A new history could possibly commence by the power of God and by the principle of just life everyone in the world ought to observe. The history that means to achieve holiness and the history that means to take centrality of the world are merged together in the Pentateuch that envisages a sublime history of the humankind. Universe and world are rearranged in terms of holiness, 'the encounter with God' being the core of it. Meanwhile, the idea of 'holy people' was introduced when strict segregation between enemies and own force was needed in the time of national crisis. The holy people could mean those belong to YHWH and are superior to the enemies in quality. However the idea was being changed to mean a nation serving the world as priest and a wise nation possessing the word of God. What the Old Testament envisaged is a family-like community of the world where the development of Israel and also of all the nations was encouraged simultaneously, based on the holiness flowing from God and his words. This study will contribute to overcome the crisis of the Korean church and society and, furthermore, to make known the principle of just life in the world, thus, establishing the foundation of 'Biblical world'.
  • 2.

    A Study on the Meaning of the Shema(Dt 6: 4-5) With Special Relation with Esarhaddon' Succession Treaty

    Yoon, Young-Joon | 2008, 14(3) | pp.31~46 | number of Cited : 4
    Abstract PDF
    The present article purports to examine the literary dependency between Shema and Esarhaddon's Succession Treaty and latter's significance in understanding the original meaning of the Shema(Dt 6: 4-5). The scholarship on Deuteronomy has understood the Shema as the first verse of the so-called 'Urdeuteronomium' and the slogan of Josiah's reform. There is a consensus at this point. But in spite of this general agreement, in fact there are many theories and controversies on the exact and orignal meaning of the Shema. The representative theories are these. The first explanation is that the Shema is in common with the first commendment of the Decalogue in its meaning and purpose. So it is considered only as the expression of 'Monolatry' or 'Monotheism.' The second one argues that the original meaning of the Shema was a opposition to the so-called 'Polyjahwismus.' Namely, it opposed many regional manifestations of Yahweh which were claimed at many local sanctuaries in the Northern Kingdom Israel and the Southern Kingdom Judah. The third one is that 'the one God' and 'Our God' which are mentioned in the Shema would be a political slogan to unify the migrants from the former Northern Kingdom Israel and the residents of Judah. But these theories have their own problems. Besides they make us misunderstand the original meaning of the Shema, when they fail to notice the relationship between the Shema and the Esarhaddon' Succession Treaty. If we investigate the Shema by setting it against the Esarhaddon' Succession Treaty, we can first find that it used one of the royal ideologies of the Neo-Assyria, the 'love' motif for Yahweh which had originally something to do with political loyalty. By having used the treaty texts in relation to fundamentally political loyalty for Yahweh, as the one God He became the one to whom Israel as His people should give their undivided loyalty. In this way, the demand of the assyrian king for loyalty was removed. This is the Shema's anti-assyrian aspect. One more important thing relating to the Shema is that it established Israel's identity as the people serving only Yahweh. The political loyalty demands vassal king give his undivided loyalty to his suzerain and exclude any possibility of other rival one. Therefore the Oneness of Yahweh as 'Our God' made Israel escape from his polytheistical environments and get the orientation to worship only Yahweh.
  • 3.

    Der traditionsgeschichtliche Ort von I Sam 15

    Won, Jin-Hi | 2008, 14(3) | pp.47~66 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    In der Verwerfungsgeschichte Sauls I Sam 15 liegt die literarisch kom- plizierte Struktur vor. Das Ziel dieser Untersuchung ist die Literarge- schichte der Verwerfungsgeschichte Sauls und den traditionsgeschicht- lichen Ort von 1 Sam 15 zu bestimmen.. Zu diesem Ziel dienen die Literarkritik und die Traditionsgeschichte. Die Literargeschichte von dieser Geschichte ist folgenderma en aufzuzeichnen: die Grundschicht von 1 Sam 15 besteht aus vv. 1a , 2, 3a (nur bis ), 4a , 5a, 7-8, 12ab (nur bis ), 31-32, sogar ist eine in der nach-DtrH Zeit in den Kontext von DtrH (550-535 v. Chr) eingeschobene Erz hlung, die verschiedene literargeschichtliche Fortschreibungen erfahren hat. Der traditionsgeschichtliche Ort dieser Erz hlung steht viel n her zur chronistischen Theologie als zur deuteronomistischen. Der Grundbestand von 1 Sam 15 hat von vornherein mit den Themen von Ungehorsam Sauls und seiner k niglichen Verwerfung nichts zu tun. Die Grundschicht von 1 Sam 15 hat die Exodustradition mit der Landnahmetradition verbunden und die redaktionsgeschichtlichen G nge wieder gespielt, die die JE-Traditionen erg nzen, die Priesterschrift voraussetzen und nach der Endredaktion des Tetrateuchs geschehen. Die Grundschicht hat den Amalekiterkampf Ex 17: 8-13 vor Augen und hat Dtn 25: 17-19 ( Ex 17: 14 Jos 2: 10 Dtn 25: 17b Jos 5: 4, 5, 6) beeinflu t. Das g ttliche Banngebot an die Amalekiter, die Israel in den Weg gestellt haben, als es aus gypten aufgezogen war, steht im gleichen traditionsgeschichtlichen Horizont mit dem Verfasser von Dtn 1-3; Jos 2: 9, 10, der berichtet hat, da Mose an die zwei Amoriterk nige den Bann vollstreckt hat, die Israel in den Weg bei seinem Aufzug aus gypten gestellt hat. Dem Verfasser liegt das theologische Ziel vor, sich die Fremdv lker vor Israel f rchten zu lassen. In diesem Hinsicht verstehen sich die Ausf hrung des Banngebotes an dem Amalek und der Bericht, da der israelitische K nig Saul den Amalekiterk nig Agag "lebendig ergriffen hat," unter der Verbindung mit dem zus tzlichen Teil (Num 24: 7-9a) innerhalb des dritten Liedes Balams. Die Verschonung des Amalekiterk nigs Agag bedeutet, da der israelitische K nig Saul h her als Agag ist und sich Sauls Reich erhebt. Die St rke des israelitischen K nigs geht aus Jahwe wie dem Horn des Wildstiers hervor, der Israel aus gypten herausgef hrt hat und es verst rkt hat. An Hand der St rke Israels werden sich die Fremdv lker vor Israel f rchten. Der Grundbestand von 1 Sam 15 ist in der Mitte des 4 Jh. vor Chr. zu datieren.
  • 4.

    Recent Research Trend of the so-called Deuteronomistic History

    Eunwoo Lee | 2008, 14(3) | pp.67~86 | number of Cited : 16
    Abstract PDF
    Since M. Noth suggested the theory of Deuteronomistic History in his Joshua commentary, Das Buch Josua (1938), his position has been succeeded, revised, and complemented by Cross' Harvard School which considers there to be two Deuteronomists (Dtr 1 and Dtr 2), and by Smend's Göttingen school, which suggests there are at least three redactors (DtrH, DtrP and DtrN). In addition, some scholars argue that there have even been 'Deuteronomistic' redactors at work in parts of the Tetrateuch, as well as in the Latter Prophets - in Jeremiah to be exact, and in some of the prophetic collection such as the Book of the Twelve. However, many scholars have highlighted the problem of divergent studies in the field of the so-called Deuteronomistic History and have exposed the wide, diverse usage and understanding of what the terms 'Deuteronomic' or 'Deuteronomistic' convey in current scholarly discussion. In so doing, they have warned of the danger of pan-Deuteronomism and have called for some means of control or of better defined criteria pertaining to this issue. The purpose of this study is to survey the recent research trends of the so-called Deuteronomistic History and to offer new direction for the research of this field.
  • 5.

    Form-Critical Analysis of Ezra 3:1-4:5

    Kim, Rae Yong | 2008, 14(3) | pp.88~108 | number of Cited : 4
    Abstract PDF
    This paper investigates the historical and social setting of Ezra 3: 1 - 4: 5 and the author's intentions in writing this text by utilizing new form-criticism, which applies both synchronic and diachronic analytical methods to texts and which analyzes structures, genres, settings, and purposes. Therefore, I will first analyze the structure of Ezra 3: 1 - 4: 5, investigating the words, syntax, and content that appear in it, and then I will assess its genres, settings, and purposes. In terms of these four areas of investigation, contemporary form-critical analysis reveals the following about Ezra 3: 1 - 4: 5; First, it is defined by the waw-consecutive syntactical structure; it begins with an introductory date formula that governs the entire unit; and the successive subjects of the actions are conveyed by the verbs. Second, the overarching genre of Ezra 3: 1 - 4: 5 is one of ‘account.’ This account is concerned with the actions of the returnees and their enemies. The following subordinate genres also appear in this pericope: ‘short name list,’ ‘song of praise,’ ‘disputation,’ and ‘summary report.’ Third, although this unit includes a great deal of material that suggests the second half of the 6th century BCE, during the reigns of the Persian kings Cyrus and Darius, a number of its features indicate that its final form is the product of 4th or 3rd century redaction. In other words, the historical and social setting of the unit is a very heightened feud between two communities - the Jerusalem Temple community and the Gerizim Temple community - which began after the marriage of Manasseh to Sanballat's daughter. Fourth, in this context, it is highly likely that the author wrote to exhort the Jews who hated the Samaritans to maintain their ancestors' zeal for building the altar, offering sacrifices, and completing the Temple, and he wanted to emphasize that the Jerusalem Temple is the only legitimate temple. In sum, my application of new form criticism to Ezra 3: 1 - 4: 5 is one example of interpretation that demonstrates “The Changing Face of Form Criticism for the Twenty-First Century,” which is the title of a book published in 2003. In other words, this paper shows how contemporary form critical analysis is different from traditional form criticism and that it provides the basis for both synchronic and diachronic interpretation of the Old Testament.
  • 6.

    The People and Land in the Book of Hosea

    Kyung Hee Park | 2008, 14(3) | pp.109~124 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    This study investigates a theological understanding of divine love which emanates from divine pathos, focusing on the exegetical interpre- tation of Hosea 2: 4-25[2-23], and 4: 1-19. The first focal point of this research is to explore theological implications involved the people and land in the book of Hosea. The second focal point of this research is to understand divine love which embraces the sinful people and the polluted land. In Hosea's prophetic messages, Israel has forsaken YHWH and has sought help from other gods and other nations. The worship of YHWH is defiled and there is no distinction between him and foreign gods. The results of this lack of knowledge of God is that Israel failed in keeping and observing the divine law in the land. The people of YHWH have forgotten the values of conducting behavior as God's people. There is the superficial worship practice in the land: sacrifice and burnt offerings without acknowledging what God requires of the worshippers. Israel's constant rebellion by breaking the law and by worshipping idolatry has also polluted the land which God gave to his people as inheritance. Therefore, God suffers from the sinful people and the polluted land. However, divine compassionate love emanated from divine pathos toward Israel leaves room for reconciliation and restoration. On the basis of forgiveness divine compassion heals a broken relationship between YHWH and Israel. In divine pathos Hosea's prophetic messages bear divine passionate love. YHWH justifies his love with the statement: "I am God no human, the Holy One in your midst."(Ho 11: 9) This is essential for God's love in the divine holiness. This power of love emanating from divine suffering embraces the sinful people and the polluted land. This love creates a new relationship between YHWH and his people and renews a universal covenant between human and natural world(Ho 2: 20-25[18-23]).
  • 7.

    A Study on the Correlation between 4Q246 and Dan. 7

    Myung Ki Cho | 2008, 14(3) | pp.125~144 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    The Purpose of this paper is to reveal the identity of 4Q246, Daiel Apocryphon through the literary comparison with Daiel 7. and to read the theology of Qumran community transcribed in the scroll, 4Q246. After 4Q246 was presented by J. T. Milik in a lecture given at Harvard University in 1972 and was made known by J. A. Fitzmyer in his study, this scroll has made a big issues for a long time being. The main question of 4Q246(Aramaic Apocalypse) is the identity of the designated "Son of God." We can have two views of that, a positive figure or a negative figure. J. T. Milik insists that the "Son of God" refers to a Seleucid king, referring Antiochus IV Epiphanes. Florentino Garcia Martinez suggests that it is an angelic savior like Michael, Melchizedek, and the Prince of Light. And other scholars view the figure as a messianic redeemer who will cast God's enemies away and build the kingdom of God's people (Cross, Collins, Hengel, Kuhn). Exceptionally, David Flusser insists that he is the Antichrist, and Martin Hengel insists that he is the Jewish people collectively. E. Puech believes that the Son of the Most High could be either the future Davidic Messiah or a historical Seleucid pretender. Joseph A. Fitzmyer argues that what the Son of God refers is not a messiah, but a coming Jewish ruler, perhaps a member of the Hasmonean dynasty. According to the scholars, therefore, the title "Son of God" would be either a historical character, a heavenly figure or a messianic human being. But, most importantly, it should be noticed that they in fact have not seen the text itself; for example its structure, feature, theme than the vague figure in scroll. With literary criticism and historical view, we have to review the text of this scroll. Through its methodology, we can find the structure, feature, terminolo- gy similar to the book of Daniel, expecially Ch. 7. Martin Hengel suggests that the figure is similar to "the one like a Son of Man" in Daniel 7: 13-14. Furthermore two texts that have same apocalyptic structure and feature seem to say that the author of 4Q246 was influenced by Daniel 7. The two texts reveal such an extensive degree of verbal, thematic, and structural correspondences. Therefore we can conclude that 4Q246 is the Apocryphon of Daniel, but the debate about the identity of son of God in 4Q246 is still valid. And Qumran community wants to read their hope, coming redeemer saving the people, the qumran theology, habits, and beliefs in this scroll.
  • 8.

    ngd in the Nora Inscription and the Old Testament

    So Hyeong-Geun | 2008, 14(3) | pp.145~162 | number of Cited : 6
    Abstract PDF
    This Article observes the relationship between the Nora inscription and the word 'nagid' in the Old Testament. Especially the article of B. Peckham about the Nora Stele, which was read as standard Phoenician and can be taken as evidence that the Phoenicians tried and failed to establish a colony at Tarshish in the late ninth century, is a fine work. Also the article by F. M. Cross, who asserts that the word "pummay" in the line 8 of the Nora inscription is the Phoenician personal name standing behind the name of the well-known king of Tyre who ruled in the years 831-785 B.C. as we know from the Tyrian annals, a excellent work. Peckham and Cross regard the word 'ngd' in the line 7 of the Nora inscription as a phoenician commander or officer under the order of his king. In comparison to the ancient orient the significance of the hebrew nagid changed in the Old Testament gradually, namely it was charac- terized originally as a military leader, and under the early monarchy and till the eighth century B.C. (David-Hiskia) it became applicable to the king. At last it became a title of military leader, religious functio- naries(priest and levites) and administrative officials.