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2017, Vol.23, No.3

  • 1.

    Hiobs neue Vorstellungen von Menschen - Betrachtungen zu Prolog (1-2) und Epilog (42:7-17) Hiobbuches -

    Chol-Gu Kang | 2017, 23(3) | pp.12~37 | number of Cited : 4
    Abstract PDF
    Der Artikel untersucht Unterschiede zwischen Prolog und Epilog des Hiobbuches. Zuerst gehe ich davon aus, dass der Prosatext (Hi 1-2; 42:7-17) und der poetische Text (Hi 3:1-42:6) miteinander eng verbunden sind. Im Zusammenhang zwischen Form und Inhalt haben die beiden eine enge Beziehung. Es kann nicht unabhängig gemacht werden, ohne aufeinander angewiesen zu sein. Wenn unter dieser Voraussetzung man Prolog und Epilog der Rahmenerzählung Hiobbuches einheitlich liest, wird man einen anderen Hiob im Epilog als im Prolog treffen. Wärend die Gottesreden und Hiobs Antworten (Hi 38:1-42:6) erklären, was und warum Hiob sich verändert hat, werden Ergebnisse dieser Veränderung im Abschluss des Hiobbuches dargestellt. Dieser Beitrag beschränkt sich auf Hiob 1:1-5 und 42:12-17 der ganzen Rahmenerzählung. Es geht um den Segen des Prologes und die Wiederherstellung des Epiloges. In dieser Vergleich erweisen sich Unterschiede zwischen Anfang und Ende, und neue Erkenntnisse Hiobs. Das Milieu von Epilog ist ganz anders als das von Prolog. Er ist nicht mehr der Hiob von Kap. 1:1-5. Durch dieses Vergleich will der Verfasser des Hiobbuches zeigen, dass durch die Begegnung mit Gott Hiob neue Erkenntnisse über den Menschen erreicht hat. In der Mitte stehen Töchter Hiobs und sein Gesinde Was Gott Hiob zweimal mehr als früher gegeben hat, zeigt nicht nur Gottes Segen, sondern auch die Versöhnung mit Gott. Die Schönheit der Töchter, Hiobs Großzügigkeit, dass Hiob seinen Töchtern Erbbesitz unter ihren Brüder gegeben hat, und was Gesinde im Epilog ausgefallen ist, bedeuten eine neue Einsicht Hiobs in Menschen durch die Begegnung mit Gott. Änlich wie Hiobs Töchter ist sein Gesinde nicht mehr auf der Liste von Eigentum im Epilog erschienen. Frauen und Gesinde sind auch gleichermaßen Gottes Ebenbild wie Hiob (Mann). Alle Menschen sind sicher würdig vor Gott. Nach den Gottesreden wendet sich Hiob neuen theologischen Positionen zu, durch die Gottesreden erhält er neue Einsicht in Bezug auf Menschen. Dieser Hiob ist nicht allein wiederhergestellt, sondern auch gründlich verändert. Er hat neues Menschenbild erreicht. Damit kann Hiob ein erfülltes Leben abschließen.
  • 2.

    Tri-Dishonoring Pattern in the story of Abimelech

    kyung-Sik Park | 2017, 23(3) | pp.38~74 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    Re-reading Abimelech’s story (Judg 9:50-54) with the literary approaches, such as narratology, structural criticism, honor/shame study, and gender criticism interprets and multiplies the text’s own meaning that seems to be hidden by narrator’s literary strategy. This re-reading, especially with gender criticism, provides a counter explanation through ‘gender-based shame,’ explaining how honor and shame are described by gender preference. My reading suggests a further approach toward the focalization in which the narrator employs the method of removing hyper-heroization, and to emphasize an intention to dishonor characters step-by-step. As a result, the narrative exposes its concentration on the approaches employed to catch readers’ attention effectively. In other words, the author uses highly-constructed methods of transmission and communication in the narrative. This study employs a scheme of three terms (hyper-heroization, de- heroization, and trans-heroization), which I call a tri-dishonoring pattern. The pattern continually occurs in Judges 9 with Abimelech, the unnamed woman, and the young man, whether the character is male or female, until they are removed/veiled from the text. Even though each character appears to have committed a violent action, he/she is just hyper-heroized, de-heroized soon, and then trans-heroized. Therefore, all characters are victimized for the purpose of generating a constant focus toward the next character, continuing to the end of the pattern. One might see Judges 9 as a valid model of the retribution theme resulting from the Deuteronomistic viewpoint in order to judge the final end of the sinfulness of the wrongdoing. The inglorious end of Abimelech appears as retaliation for his cruel beginning. Others might interpret that the final text explains that the Babylonian exile was inevitable due to the disobedience of Israel. In this case, the text could be blaming Abimelech’s attempt to seize what should have been a divine initiative. However, my reading suggests a possibility of reading a literary pattern that alludes to the realization that God is at the end of the pattern. This theological approach describes the fact that, even though Judges continues to illustrate how to rule/lead the people, the people could not rely on the political systems which they experienced as having bitter ends. Further studies of this pattern should be considered throughout the narratives of the Hebrew Bible. Such a reading contributes to figuring out how the narrator manipulates the characters and employs their own resources by using ambiguity as a literary technique. The presence of such a pattern suggests that all characters are potentially limited in reputation and agency, and that these limitations are crucial for the production of meaning.
  • 3.

    Huldah’s Prophecy in the Books of Chronicles(2Chronicles 34:22-28)

    Andrew Taehang Ohm | 2017, 23(3) | pp.75~109 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    The prophecy of Huldah appears as a synoptic text in the Books of Kings and Chronicles. Huldah’s discourse, though it is brief, is situated at the climax of Josiah’s reform. However, especially in domestic research, the amount of research on the subject of Huldah is scarce, whereas studies on Josiah’s reform is affluent. The prophecy of Huldah is particularly significant, for it causes critical questions to arise. The questions, which cannot be overlooked, are diverse from basic questions like “Who is the prophetess Huldah?” or “Has Huldah’s prophecy been fulfilled?” to the issue “What is the role of Huldah’s prophecy in the reform of Josiah.” In addition, the ambiguity of Huldah and her prophecy inspired later Jewish traditions. Therefore, this study intends not only to encourage others to do research concerning these questions but also to investigate the main issue of how the Chronicler reshaped the text of the Deuteronmistic historian(s). This study proceeds as follows: Firstly, we will observe how Huldah’s prophecy functions in the broader context of Josiah’s reform. Secondly, we will reveal how Huldah’s text was literally transformed in the Book of Chronicles. Finally, through a comparison of the above investigations, we will observe the theological perspective of Huldah’s text, which was interpreted by the Chronicler. In summary, Huldah’s prophecy needs to be understood in the broader context of Josiah’s reform. Additionally, Huldah’s prophecy operates differently in the Books of Kings and Chronicles. When it comes to the role of Huldah’s prophecy, the Book of Kings is closely related to the subject of Judah’s demise, whereas the Book of Chronicles focuses on explaining the cause of Josiah’s death by reconstructing the scene of his death. The discourse of Huldah in a cursory reading seems to have nothing in particular in terms of length, however, an overall change can be discovered in the discourse order and the theological perspective as well as the literary strategy of the Chronicler.
  • 4.

    Repentance-Movement in the Old Testament

    Chong Hun Pae | 2017, 23(3) | pp.112~138 | number of Cited : 6
    Abstract PDF
    The purpose of this study is to analyze repentance movements in the Old Testament that arose in times of national crisis, in order to seek a model of the repentance movement for churches in today’s crisis. This study was achieved by examining the following texts: 1 Samuel 7, Joel, Jonah 3, Isaiah 1, Jeremiah 7, Daniel 9, and 2 Chronicles 7. As a result of this study, we discovered that the Deuteronomistic repentance movement forms a pattern of imminent threat of disasters, urge for repentance, and removal of disasters through repentance. The repentance movement of 1 Samuel 7 was the most ideal movement in which the Israelites gathered in Mizpah to repent and worship God as the one and only, resulting in God’s protection of the Israelites from the threat of the Philistine army to maintain peace. Joel led a repentance movement by showing a prophetic action conveying an impending crisis that the people did not notice through natural disasters. Jonah 3 deals with the salvation of the Gentiles, but it presents an ideal model of all people participating in repentance and avoiding a disaster that has been announced to be imminent. Isaiah 1 demands the practice of justice from the remnant of Judah if they wish to survive, who has just experienced a disaster through disobedience. Following Deuteronomistic repentance movement pattern, Jeremiah also demanded that the Israelite people should return from their evil deeds and do justice and righteousness in face of the crisis of destruction. Daniel 9, though not a repentance movement of the people, is an exemplar of a whole-hearted prayer for them out of sorrow for national destruction by their sin, totally relying on God’s grace. Unlike the Deuteronomistic repentance movement patterns, 2 Chronicle 7 requires repentance movements that understand the crisis of natural disasters as the need to heal the land, ask forgiveness and the healing of the land, humble themselves, and pray for God’s presence. I hope this study will contribute to the restoration of the church which participates in the repentance movement.
  • 5.

    The Old Testament and Humanities: Reading the Old Testament from the Perspectives of History, Literary, and Philosophy

    Yoon Kyung Lee | 2017, 23(3) | pp.140~171 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    Theology is the study of God. Nonetheless, theology and the humanities share a common goal of making humans more human and better. In this respect, the Old Testament theology written with the background of the life and history of the ancient Israelites, is also inseparable from the humanities. Specifically, the Old Testament theology is closely related with the humanities in a methodological way. In this paper, I will examine how the Old Testament theology and the humanities have developed in a close relation with each other from the perspective of ‘reading the Old Testament from the viewpoint of History, Literature and Philosophy.’ The development process of the study of history is in line with the development of historical criticisms of the Old Testament. The development of historical viewpoints from positivism to presentism is consistent with that of historical criticisms of the Old Testament that has undergone from the objective reconstruction of Israel's history to the subjective reconstruction of a historian such as Deuteronomist. On the other hand, differently from the historical interests, the literary features of the Old Testament has been investigated. Such literary interests are in parallel with the development of literary theories of English in general. Methodology of literary criticism, such as narrative criticism or rhetorical criticism, is applied to the interpretation of the Old Testament. Narrative criticism and rhetorical criticism have different concerns from historical criticisms, which explore the historical and social backgrounds of the text or investigate any literary forms among the text that share with the other literature. Narrative criticism and rhetorical criticism, however, attempt to reveal the literary and poetic characteristics of a text, and to focus on the message of the text. Finally, philosophy and the Old Testament have developed in a close relationship with each other. Especially in the modern age, poststructuralism strongly affects the hermeneutics of the Old Testament.
  • 6.

    An Archaeological Evaluation on Israel Finkelstein’s “Low Chronology”

    Hoo-Goo Kang | 2017, 23(3) | pp.172~209 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    Since 1995 when he argued that the date of the Philistine’s settlement be down-dated to late 12th century BCE rather than the early, Israel Finkelstein tried to make strata of ancient sites formerly dated to 11th century BCE lowered to 10th, 10th to 9th. The significant change in understanding the feature of the past is found in the period of the socalled “United Kingdom.” Strata formerly dated to 11th century BCE which were poorly settled: no fortification, no public building, no administrative building, etc., are now understood as those of King David and Solomon. This paper aims to examine Finkelstein’s “Low Chronology” and to critically evaluate it. It tried to understand his “Low Chronology” in six different phases, to see how it academically developed in each phase and what were the scholars’ debates in the process. This paper argued that “Low Chronology” be seriously criticized in six main archaeological issues: (1) The recent excavation results from Tel Ashkelon lead to the conclusion that the Philistines’ settlement occurred in the early 12th century BCE; (2) if strata formerly dated to 12th century BCE are down-dated and if strata destroyed by the Assyrians at the end of the 8th century BCE are fixed, strata from 12th to 8th century BCE are too much condensed leaving 25-30 settlement years for a fortified city, which is archaeologically unreasonable; (3) the fact that pottery types from stratigraphic sequence, such as Tel Rehov strata VI, V and IV, traditionally dated to 10th and 9th centuries BCE, do not display sharp change, refutes the argument to lower the date of Tel Megiddo VA-IVB (traditionally dated to 10th century BCE) to 9th century BCE based on “somewhat similarity” in pottery types with Tel Jezreel’s (representative 9th century site); (4) the Shishak’s campaign known from historical, archaeological, and biblical sources, occurred in the end of 10th century BCE and could be an historical anchor to separate 10th from 9th century BCE. Destruction layers in some sites, such as Tel Gezer VIII, Tel Taanach IIB, Tel Megiddo VA-IVB, Tel Beth Shean S-1, Tel Rehov V, etc., are possibly attributed to this campaign. In addition, according to Shishak’s relief in Luxor, he sent his army to the Negev and listed seventy conquered sites. The fifty fortresses or forts, archaeologically known in the region and formerly dated to 10th century BCE, are connected with this event; (5) the recent results of radiocarbon dating from some sites, fit to the traditional date rather than Finkelstein’s “Low Chronology”; (6) the archaeological and epigraphic evidences from Khirbet Qeiyafa and City of David are against Finkelstein’s assertion that there was no adminstration in the 10th century BCE in Judah.