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2012, Vol., No.38

  • 1.

    Final of bi(畢) in Old Chinese

    Kim Jun-soo | 2012, (38) | pp.1~26 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    畢字有兩個來源, 其一本作“”, 從日從從, 會兩手持草於日下曝曬之意。 隸書增益米旁作“”形, 漢以後米旁訛爲氺, 遂作“暴”; 其二本作“”, 從戈從虎, 會以戈搏虎之意, ≪周禮≫作“虣”, 戈改爲武, 作用相等。 戰國以後漸漸以暴代虣, 後世則“暴”專行而“虣”廢矣。楚簡裏有一個字或讀“暴”或讀“虣”, 然其結構與“暴”、 “虣”判然有別, 而以“畢”爲聲。 “暴”、 “畢”皆爲脣音字, 然二字韻部不相近, “暴”或歸藥部或歸屋部, 收舌根塞音尾, “畢”則屬於質部。 過去以爲質部字全收舌尖塞音尾, 而新派古音學家認為一部分質部字本收舌根塞音尾, 至中古演變為屑韻、 質韻、 術韻、 櫛韻、 黠韻是因爲前高元音-i所影響。 鄭張體系將傳統質部分作二類, 第一類稱作“質1部”, 擬作*-id; 第二類稱作“質2部”, 擬作*-ig。 B-S體系亦將質部一分為二, 即*-it與*-ik。畢聲系字中古全收-t尾, 因此僅據諧聲系列則無從判斷其韻尾是否本收-k。 本文認爲, “篳”字與原始彝緬語*pyik之間的同源關係暗示畢聲系字在上古時期收-k尾。 楚簡所見“畢”與“暴”之間的關係支持此一設想, 楚簡文字裏“畢”字之所以能夠充當“暴”或“虣”的聲旁, 應該是因為戰國中晚期“畢”字仍收舌根塞音尾。 據此, 本文提出如下修改建議: *pig(鄭張體系) / *pik(B-S體系)。
  • 2.

    A Study on Chinese Words of the Part ‘Inryu’(<人類>) in ‘Hunmongjahoe’(≪訓蒙字會≫)

    LEE SoonMi | 2012, (38) | pp.27~50 | number of Cited : 5
    Abstract PDF
    ≪訓蒙字會≫是1527年由崔世珍編撰的一本綜合性的漢字學習教材。這本書收錄了3360個漢字, 每個字大部分都有注釋, 其注釋包括漢字的音義、 用法及當時使用的漢語詞彙。 該注釋中的漢語詞彙是在“俗呼”、 “俗稱”等詞下被收錄的, “俗”表示當時“漢人在民間使用”的意思。 到目前爲止, 對於≪訓蒙字會≫裏被收錄的這八百多個漢語詞彙, 還沒有研究者做過具體、 專門的研究。本論文以≪訓蒙字會≫的“人類”部中的漢語詞彙爲研究對象, 考察了這些詞彙的階級特征和語言屬性。 本文的考察結果如下:第一、 考察了其詞彙的階級特征。 “人類”部的注釋中被收錄的54個漢語詞彙都是中等或下等階級的職業名稱或者有關此階級的活動詞語, 並沒有上等階級的稱呼。 這就意味著崔世珍很重視民間中下層老百姓在實際生活當中使用的口語詞彙。第二、 考察了其詞彙的語言屬性。 “人類”部的注釋中的漢語大部分都能在近代漢語口語著作, 如≪老乞大≫、 ≪樸通事≫以及元雜劇、 明清小說中查得到。 這就意味著其詞彙很可能是已接近於近代漢語口語的範疇。筆者認爲, 通過≪訓蒙字會≫, 我們不僅可以看到16世紀民間漢語口頭語言的實際面貌, 而且還能知曉看到崔世珍以實用性爲主的教育觀。
  • 3.

    Current Research and Seeking Future Direction of Research for LAOQIDA(≪老乞大≫)

    Park,Byung-Seon | 周曉波 | Park Yong Jin | 2012, (38) | pp.51~64 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    본 연구는 기존의 ≪老乞大≫연구 동향을 살펴보고, 새로운 문제점과 대책을 모색하고자 함이 연구의 주요한 목적이다. 이에, 먼저 ≪老乞大≫연구에 관련하여 1979년에서 2011년 사이에 중국 CNKI에 수록된 기간논문 95편, 석사논문 5편, 박사논문 4편을 중심으로,≪老乞大≫연구를 개괄적으로 살펴보았고, 다시 각각의 연구 분야별로 세분화하여 그동안 연구된 연구현황을 분석하였다. 그리고 마지막으로 ≪老乞大≫연구의 특징과 문제점을 분석하였다. 지금까지 토론된 ≪老乞大≫연구의 특징은 (1) 지속성을 가진 연구 특성을 보였고, (2) 언어 위주의 연구 특성을 보였고, (3) 마지막으로 비교법을 사용하는 연구 특징을 보였다. ≪老乞大≫연구의 문제점으로는 분석이 너무 언어적인 면에 치우쳐 있다는 것이며, 연구방법 역시 비교법이라는 한 가지 방법만을 사용한다는 점이다. 본 연구는 ≪老乞大≫연구가 문화적인 시각(여행, 무역, 의학, 음식 등)을 가져야 하며, 연구방법 역시도 현장조사라는 좀 더 실제적인 방법도 사용하면 좋을 것 같다는 제안을 하였다.
  • 4.

    The Literary Style of Chinese Protestant Bible Translation

    HWANG Jiyoun | 2012, (38) | pp.65~89 | number of Cited : 5
    Abstract PDF
    This paper aims to diachronically analyze the literary style of Chinese Protestant bible translation. The paper reviews Chinese translated bibles in a periodical manner, from classical Chinese, simplified classical Chinese, written vernacular Chinese to modern Chinese. Among the versions, the Chinese Union version translated in vernacular Chinese is the most authoritative and widely accepted in China. In China, bibles were mainly translated by devoted missionaries from the mid-19C to 1920. They were scholars proficient in Chinese and translation. Since 1919, with the publishment of the Union version, the baton of bible translation work had been passed to Chinese scholars and writers. It is noticeable that the Chinese writers in this time considered bible as part of literature. Bible translation is closely related to the political, religious and literal system of a country and China is not an acception. Thus further study on how the political ideology, traditional culture, poetic standards, promoters, sponsors and the reading habits of writers influenced translation field in China is to be continued.
  • 5.

    A Contrastive Study on the Prefixes of Sino-Korean and Chinese

    추애방 | 2012, (38) | pp.91~120 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    自古以來中韓兩國就有著頻繁的文化交流, 這種交流的影響反應在語言上就是韓語的詞彙體系中有大約壹半以上是由漢字詞構成。 盡管如此, 從語言的形態類型來看, 顯然韓語屬於黏著語, 漢語則屬於孤立語。 本文從語言類型論的角度, 通過具體實例對作爲黏著語的韓語中的漢字詞前綴和作爲孤立語的漢語的前綴(包括典型前綴和類前綴)的特性進行了分析, 在此基礎上概括總結出韓漢兩種語言漢字詞前綴的共同點和不同點。 爲此本文在以往的研究成果的基礎上, 重新提出漢字詞前綴的界定標准, 並以此標准重新篩選出韓語漢字詞前綴和漢語的典型前綴、 類前綴。 本文研究的重點在於從形態、 意義兩方面分析韓中兩種語言的漢字詞前綴的特性, 其中形態方面主要是著眼於詞根的構成和詞根的語法範疇, 意義方面則重點考察前綴從詞根到前綴發展過程中的意義變化情形。 本文的目的在於將韓漢漢字詞前綴的特性明晰化, 所以爲減少漢字詞前綴研究的複雜性和多樣性所帶來的困惑, 在承認韓語中存在漢字詞前綴的前提下, 以韓語中公認的沒有爭議性的漢字詞前綴爲基准, 以此對照分析出作爲孤立語的漢語區別於韓語的特性。
  • 6.

    A Study on Scholarly Notes and Hong-Mai’s Rong Zhai Sui Bi(≪容齋隨筆≫)

    AnYeaSun | 2012, (38) | pp.121~141 | number of Cited : 3
    Abstract PDF
    學術筆記這種形式是唐代開始的, 不過把它積極運用學問硏究方面是宋代知識人試圖的。 本稿以洪邁≪容齋隨筆≫爲主考察了宋代學術筆記的盛行背景, 以及探討了洪邁所說的‘隨筆’的意味與現代的‘隨筆’如何不同。 宋代學術筆記的盛行背景考察了三個方面, 是宋代知識人的博學追求趣向, 出版印刷的空前發達, 議論的盛行。 這三個方面的因素讓宋代知識人探索新的體裁, 筆記這種斷片條目、 隨意的形式, 正符合了他們的學問需要, 因此導致了學術筆記的流行。 本稿還探討了≪容齋隨筆≫的學問志向, 洪邁主要表現出糾正學問的謬誤、 客觀的歷史評價、 不脫離實際的學問態度。 ≪容齋隨筆≫的出現引起了當時文壇、 學界的反應, 得到了廣範的歡迎, 不少知識人受到其影響, 導致了學術筆記的盛行。 不僅如此, 淸代考據學的盛行可以追溯到≪容齋隨筆≫。
  • 7.

    A Study on the Forming Background of Wang Fu Zhi’s Poetic Theory(2)— Focusing on the Influence of his close friends

    cho sung chun | 2012, (38) | pp.143~163 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    本稿從交遊者所給予的啓發與影響入手, 對王夫之詩論形成的背景進行探討。 在王夫之的交遊中, 熊𩂍、 文之勇、 洪業嘉三人頗值注意。 三人常與王夫之一起唱和, 對其詩論的形成具有不少啓發和影響。 熊𩂍對“命意”的觀點, 對“三蘇”詩文的評價, 對 “竟陵派”的擺脫及批評、 創作方向的轉變等對王夫之極富啓示作用。 文之勇有關詩人性情與作品風格的關係的論述給了王夫之不少啓發。 洪業嘉對詩文作品的情意及其表現技巧的分析給王夫之帶來影響。王夫之將從這三人那裡受到啓發及影響, 形成了一系列詩論命題, 並通過 ≪詩廣傳≫、 ≪薑齋詩話≫、 ≪古詩評選≫、 ≪唐詩評選≫、 ≪明詩評選≫、 ≪詩廣傳≫ 等, 將這些命題具備理論化、 系統化。總之, 王夫之的詩論是在明末淸初的時代環境之下, 通過與其知己一起交流、 欣賞、 談論, 並通過藝術思惟等過程而建立起來。
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  • 9.

    Chinese Modern Theater and Racism

    JongJin Kim | 2012, (38) | pp.185~205 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    After the Sino-Japanese War, the intellectuals of China sought for more radical changes. At this time, the theory of social evolution translated and introduced by Yan Fu deeply affected those intellectuals who already had racism prejudice. To the Chinese intellectuals, Manchurians who ruled China by establishing Qing Dynasty were as inferior as Negroids. As a result, it was the Anti-Manchurian nationalism that the Xinhai Revolution took place. The reform movement of traditional opera at the end of Qing Dynasty also started from anti-Manchurian nationalism. The leaders of the movement believed that they could use Chinese traditional operas as enlightenment tools by reforming them to include the suggestive and western stories, and they put what they believed into practice. Consequently, the theory of social evolution, racism full of prejudice ran rampant in their operas. At that time, the spoken play was first brought into China and it was called as “New-Theater” together with the reformed Chinese opera. The stories of the spoken plays were similar to the those of the reformed Chinese operas, and the performances were banned many times by the Qing government. It is not difficult to find anti-Manchurian nationalism in the New-Theater repertories of those times. After the Xinhai Revolution, anti-Manchurian nationalism had lose its target. Sun Wen, the leader of the revolution asserted “Five Races Under One Union” to resolve the conflicts between different races in China. The reform movement of traditional opera lost its resilience and the New-Theater became corrupt rapidly. The Chinese spoken play could come into the world because it gained strength from the reform movement of traditional opera and the political agenda.
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  • 12.

    A Study of Mu Dan’s Later Works and The Cultural Revolution

    Kim, So-hyun | 2012, (38) | pp.263~289 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    Mu Dan’s later works were tears and groans of his life. His painful life was caused a Chinese political movement from end of 1950s to The Cultural Revolution. Since 1957, he had stopped writing poetry, Mu Dan resumed the work in 1976, just a year before he passed away. However that was not just to accuse The Cultural Revolution but the necessity of self-examination and self-awareness of life that had to be abandoned as a poet. The one-sided victim of The Cultural Revolution, the intellectual had no other option but survived by constant self-denial. The mixed self-denial of forcibleness and self-motivation was a sort of submission. Finally it was the self-bridle that had to be denied once more. The process of self-reformation through endless political whirlpool and criticism to poetry and thought was a painful self-denial progression. MuDan could not write poetry almost 20 years. His poetry was written in 1976 became his Posthumous Work as he passed away next work. The work is a sight of history and reality, also an self-examination of a poet who is going to his latter year. The investigation would be a report about poet who could not write poetry and the intellectual who could not think, those who lived in the age of Mu dan and the destiny of Chinese intellect.
  • 13.

    The Study on Korea-Hong Kong Co-Produced Martial Arts Films

    Yu, Kyung-chul | 2012, (38) | pp.291~321 | number of Cited : 3
    Abstract PDF
    By close examination on the issues of Korea’s international co-production films in the 1960s and 1970s, the current paper suggests the need for the revaluation of the films’ position in Korean cinematic history. For the past few decades, Korea’s international co-production films have been perceived as expedient and/or immoral or simply illegal production works. Moreover, a recent study (i.e., Ahn, 2012) claims that the co-produced films have to be even excluded from Korean cinema. Despite the negative perspectives involving the films, the researcher disputes the claims by illustrating the governmental/societal context with strict quota systems which originated the co-production films and highlighting the films’ playing meaningful roles in satisfying the cultural needs of the marginalized group of people at the time. In addition, particularly, Korea/Hong Kong co-produced martial arts films have played an important part in the maintenance and advancement of martial arts genre in the stagnant situations of Hong Kong martial arts film industry. This positive impact of the co-production process for the Hong Kong martial arts genre was appreciated by the Hong Kong film industries, and clearly reflected in the storylines and the characters of the films. Instead of being trapped in nationally based views, through the perspectives of martial arts history, Korea’s international co-production films may not be the mere consequences of illegal, expedient and/or immoral film works but can be seen as “expended home-made films.”
  • 14.

    History and Four Periods of ‘Huaren-Huawen Wenxue’ in North America

    Hyelim KOH | 2012, (38) | pp.323~339 | number of Cited : 3
    Abstract PDF
    生活在當今時代的人們正處於向離散者轉型的前一階段。 在超越民族和國家概念的離散文學中存在著華人文學, 作爲華人文學的分支出現華人華文文學、 華人英文文學、 華人韓文文學等等。 這樣的離散文學已經在曆史中形成, 但是仍然存在很多沒有被明確掌握的層面。 因此從後殖民主義視角考察華人離散文學將成爲一種可以自己的方式承認中國大陸, 同時又防止其霸權主義的生成, 減少矛盾產生的方法論。 如果在進行後殖民時代離散者研究的同時有意揚棄差別態度, 就要理解這種離散現象是在後殖民時代全球範圍內發生的事實。 更進一步講, 我們要肯定離散者所具有的異質性是他們的個別差異。 本文所研究的北美華人華文文學的曆史與時期劃分是華人華文文學方面的初步階段而且爲了將來的北美地區華人華文文學的作品研究。
  • 15.

    The War of Guandu From Rations Supply’s Point of View

    HONG, Youn-ki | 2012, (38) | pp.341~367 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    從後勤軍糧的觀點上考察官渡之戰的勝敗原因: 官渡之戰是東漢末年由大規模的兵力最初在長距離、 長時間的戰鬪條件下進行的戰爭。 本稿旨在從後勤軍糧的觀點上考察官渡之戰的勝敗原因。 本稿考察的意義在於首次用數理的方式來考察官渡之戰的勝敗原因。本稿主要內容有: 官渡之戰的經過, 袁紹軍與曹操軍的兵力比較, 袁紹軍與曹操軍的軍糧狀況比較, 漢代兵士一人一日吃掉的軍量, 袁紹軍一個月吃掉的軍糧總量, 曹操軍燒掉袁紹軍三千輛糧車的軍糧總量, 從袁紹軍和曹操軍各自根據地到官渡的距離與運糧時間, 袁紹軍運糧途中吃掉的軍糧總量, 軍糧基地的形態, 曹操對後勤軍糧的看法, 在官渡之戰上最理想的後勤路線。曹操看透了這場戰爭的核心性質,早就從後勤軍糧上周到地籌備了一系列的措施, 因此能夠獲得勝利。
  • 16.

    A Study on the Religious Meaning of Confucion Daotong Course

    김정기 | 2012, (38) | pp.369~391 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    道統論是指儒家編制的‘道’的傳承系譜。 它雖然是儒家學說中一種重要的思想, 但是卻是在討論關於中國悠久歷史和文化的正統及是非時的判斷準據, 也是中國人的普遍性觀念。 當今, 雖然中國人視儒家道統論爲封建正統觀念並不怎麽給予關注, 但是仔細研究道統觀念的話, 我們可以看到至今爲止依舊對中國人的思考方式帶來很大的影響, 並且還可以發現很多肯定的, 發展的, 有益的方面。關於儒家的道統論, 有人認爲是受禪宗的傳燈說的影響而産生的, 實際上儒家的道統論是在東漢時期佛教傳入中國之前就已經在儒家自生, 形成很久的觀念。 韓愈受禪宗的傳燈說, 即‘法嗣’觀念的影響首次提出道統論, 但是從歷史的角度來看, 道統論始於孔子。 孔子在≪論語≫中屢次指摘出天命是按照堯ㆍ舜ㆍ禹的順序相繼傳承的。 孔子的道統思想傳遞給孟子, 孟子自任爲是繼承孔子道的後繼者, 還有韓愈又自任爲是繼承孟子道的後繼者。本論文是觀察儒家道統論的內容及演變的過程, 特別是從宗教哲學的層面來觀察道統論的含義是什麽, 並且一起探討民間宗教所主張的三教合一的道統論蘊涵著什麽含義。
  • 17.

    The Trends about Reforming of Teacher Training in China

    lee kyung ja | 2012, (38) | pp.393~408 | number of Cited : 3
    Abstract PDF
    本文從中國教師培養改革中, 觀察了從2007年秋季開始試行的師範生免費教育制度。 主要考察免費教育的試行背景、 目的和免費教育的試行狀況, 就據以展望中國的師範生培養。 從2000年起, 中國的師範大學施行把注冊費作爲自己負擔的招生機制。 期間, 由於經濟條件和地區之間的差異, 經濟條件落後的地區或偏遠地區的孩子很難獲得優秀的教育機會了。 因此從2007年起, 中國政府在全國範圍內選撥1萬多名學生, 在6所教育部直屬師範大學(在北京師範大學、 華東師範大學、 東北師範大學、 華中師範大學、 陝西師範大學和西南大學)實行師範免費教育。 4年修讀年限中, 免除學費, 免受住宿費並補助生活費等在大學生活中必要的費用幾乎都支援給免費師範生。 免費師範畢業生回生源所在省份中小學校任教服務10年。 這樣政策的目的是優秀免費師範畢業生回生源所, 爲了促進地區教育的發展水平。 這是中國教員培養計劃的重大決定, 要提高培養教師的質量, 要培養青年的優秀教師, 從一個優秀的教師任何人都將提供接受教育的機會等的旨意一直持續至今。
  • 18.

    The Translation and Footnotes on Yanyanzhi(<顔延之>) Chapter of Gushiyuan(≪古詩源≫)

    Choi woo suk | 2012, (38) | pp.409~439 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    本論文乃以將≪古詩源-顔延之篇≫譯成韓語, 且加以注釋爲主旨. ≪古詩源≫是沈德潛代表選集之一. 藉此書可窺見沈氏之詩論. 此書收錄 顔延之之7題27首詩歌. 顏延之, 字延年, 南朝宋文學家. 少孤貧, 居陋室, 好讀書, 無所不覽, 詩作之美, 冠絕當時, 與謝靈運竝稱, ‘顏謝’. ≪古詩源≫收錄詩中<應詔讌曲水作詩>, <郊祀歌>, <贈王太常>, <五君詠>等, 皆爲發揮詩敎‘頌美’情神之作, 且沈氏在≪古詩源≫中雲, “宜卽出憤語, 此卻申言離居之苦, 急處用緩承, 正是節奏之妙”, “章法綿密, 布置穩順”, 由此可見沈氏之儒家溫柔敦厚之詩歌批評審美觀以及對顔氏詩歌評價之高.
  • 19.