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This paper analyzed the use of the multi-functional word ‘yu(欲)’ used as verb, auxiliary verb, future tense marker, etc., and discussed the path of meaning development and its mechanism. First, the verb ‘yu(欲)’ in Pre-Chin Period was used in ‘NP1+V欲+NP2’, indicating the meaning of ‘desire’. The verb ‘yu(欲)’ has expanded its function to take the object of complex structures such as abstract nouns, verb phrases, and subject-predicate structures. Second, when VP of ‘NP+Vyu(欲)+VP’ is [+control], the structure of ‘NP+Vyu(欲)+VP’ is re-analyzed as ‘NP+Auxyu(欲)+VP’. At this time, the verb ‘yu(欲)’ in the meaning of ‘desire’ is changed to ‘volition’ type auxiliary verb. Third, the verb ‘yu(欲)’ in the meaning of ‘desire’ appears in the topic-comment sentence can infer the ‘necessity’ of VP. These ‘yu(欲)’ develop into auxiliary verbs that represent [necessity] during the period of The Six Dynasties. Fourth, if the VP of ‘NP+Auxyu(欲)+VP’ is [-control], the [+ intention] feature of ‘yu(欲)’ is suppressed, and the meaning of ‘yu(欲)’ is developed into ‘prediction’ type future tense with [-intention], [+prediction], and ‘schedule’ type future tense with [-intention], [-prediction].

This paper examines the phenomenon that modern Chinese adjectives have a dynamic meaning with the aspect marker ‘le’, and contrasts them with the situation in Korean and English, and examines them from a typological perspective. Unlike English or Korean, where the process is encoded as a verb and the atemporal relation is encoded as an adjective, in Chinese, not only the atemporal relation but also the meaning of the process can be encoded as an adjective. But in order for adjectives in Chinese to represent the process meaning, they must have a aspect marker like ‘le’. Chinese adjectives may represent static attribute meanings under the modifier of degree adverb ‘hen’, and may also represent the meaning of dynamic change with ‘le’. Therefore, we think that the meaning of change is not the inner meaning of the adjectives, but rather the meaning of the adjectives by adding the aspect marker ‘le’ to the static attribute meaning. Chinese adjectives are ‘verb-like’ adjectives along with Korean according to syntactic criteria. However, in terms of semantic standards, unlike Korean, it has process semantic qualities. This is due to differences in the language type of Chinese as an isolated language.

Sima-Guang’s Zizhi-Tongjian is known as the most realistic and objective work of history in the pre-modern Chinese canon. However, it is difficult for such works to be completely neutral since authors’ subjective perspectives and positions tend to be reflected in them. Authors select, arrange, and synthesize materials in order to clearly convey the essence and parameters of their subject. In this light, this study examined Zizhi-Tongjian not as a volume of history solely composed of facts but as an epic text that requires literary analysis. Zizhi-Tongjian is a work of history that covers the long period spanning from the Warring States period to the Five Dynasties. Central to the text is the lesson that it was the duties imposed by the practice of Confucian that caused the rise and fall of dynasties over such a long period of time. Materials that supported this perspective were selected and included while those that did not were excluded or edited to support this thesis, and in this process, ‘Xiao-shuo’, trivial or quotidian anecdotes, were cited. This tendency is especially prominent in the section Tang-Ji, which is a record of the Tang Dynasty, in which rather than accurate facts, materials that were helpful in conveying this perspective were selected and employed. The findings of this study are as follows. First, by citing Xiao-shuo, Sima-Guang was able to create memorable depictions of people with moral flaws. Second, by doing so, he emphasized the outstanding aspects of notable figures. Third, in this way he described illustrative situations in a more serious and dramatic way. Although Xiao-shuo were originally sometimes opaque and informal materials, they became a part of received history through their adoption by Sima-Guang. Ultimately, historically the criterion that distinguished a work of history from a novel was not whether it was true but whether it amounted to an effective didactic epic.

In The New Democracy(新民主主義論), written in January 1940, Mao Zedong says, “Luxun is not only a claim to the Chinese cultural revolution, a great litterateur but also a great thinker and a great revolutionary.” It is no exaggeration to say that Mao Zedong’s expression of Lu Xun was the basic guideline for evaluating Lu Xun. This article has raised questions about the roots of the differences between Mao Zedong’s Chinese revolution and the Lu Xun‘s revolution of nationality reform, and I will discuss them through a review of the relationship between politics and literature. To this end, this paper will first examine the political nature of Lu Xun’s interpretation by Mao Zedong. Next, after reviewing Mao Zedong’s and Lu Xun’s views on the relationship between literature and politics, we will discuss commonalities and differences between literature and politics. Mao Zedong’s political revolution and Lu Xun’s literary revolution for the reconstruction of nationality primarily seeks objective and rational visualization of reality. In contrast, Mao Zedong’s intervention in reality was a political and military strategy, while Lu Xun’s intervention in reality was a literary strategy that expressed Chinese thoughts and spirit. But both are the same in that they come from objective and rational perceptions of reality and the Chinese. In other words, the visualization of Chinese reality is indispensable whether it is Mao Zedong’s revolution or Lu Xun’s revolution. This is the intersection of politics and literature. But politics seeks to maintain and unify phenomena, while literature urges social evolution to separate. In other words, the distinctive feature of literary art can be said to pioneer a new horizon of perception by continually dismantling and reconstructing the relationship between concepts and things that are fixed politically, ideologically and ideologically. Politics, on the other hand, uses, promotes, inspires and incites such literature to promote revolution and complete revolution. After the completion of the revolution, politics has no choice but to stay away from the literary arts due to its inherent nature: the maintenance of phenomena and the unification (or the maintenance of power). As such, literature and politics go a long way after the success of the revolution.

This article seeks to find out the reverse side of reform and opening that has not been recorded in the history of the government office through explosion chronicles. In the non-fiction form of historical magazines, the ambiguity of the narrator and the actual speaker, and the radius of reality and fiction widened by mythorealism, works reveal the truth that China experienced, which did not seem to exist. In particular, the incident of urbanization in rural areas shows how the rural areas, which had no foundation, were forced to respond to the call of the state. The experience of something other than urbanization, which soon shows the vast numbers and physical spaces in the history of the government office, reveals the reverse side of reform and opening up, reflecting on the present of China, which has passed 40 years of reform and opening up. Through this, we can point out a new context for the function and value of cities through how urbanization was done and what was missing and forgotten in it. The overall outline and context of the work is directed to the point where the deterioration of ethics, the loss of tradition, and the destruction of character began from the reform and opening up. In the form of historical journals, the author makes a relatively brief summary of the period of civilization and sets the starting point of various abolition as reform and opening, and strongly criticizes it. This attempt by the author is of course meaningful in itself, but the rationale and inevitability of the attempt must be fully understood by the reader. Despite the esoteric composition of historical journals and Mythorealism, the novel was able to give a light echo because of the urgency and inevitability of revealing the invisible truth behind the attempt. But this desperation and self-assertion reveal its limitations as it boils down to doubts that have mobilized all parts of the novel to bring it to the point of criticism of urbanization caused by reform and opening up.

This thesis analyzes the logic and characteristics of peace discourse of the peace discourse in China during the so-called imperial period in the late 19th and early 20th century. At that time, the representative peace theory could be divided into international peace based on the norms of the universal law and the law of balance of power, The Daedong world with the international political balance of power as the driving force, and the solidarity theory of the minority for the independence and coexistence of each nation. After Martin translated the concept of international politics, balance of power from international law to the concept of international norms, Chinese diplomats and intellectuals hoped for peace in the region or world under the law of international law and law of balance of power. However, this hope disappeared with the expectation of universal peace among the Chinese when the theory of division of China was brought up in the late 19th century, and the theory of balance of power became an excuse for the invasion and division of other countries. However, as the division of China in the early 20th century was overthrown by the need for a balance of power by the Western powers, the balance of power was still a realistic condition for peace. Meanwhile, in the early 20th century, two representative thinkers of China, Kang Yu Wei and Zhang Tai Yen, each envisioned world or East Asian peace, including China. Kang Yu Wei’s Daedong World and Zhang Tai Yen’s Qiwu(equality) world are examples. However, the process of establishing Kang Yu Wei’s Greater East World, or world state, is based on the logic of the power balance of the great powers, especially the logic of the hegemony of imperialism. On the other hand, Zhang Taiyan criticized imperialism from the point of view of equal nationalism and insisted on the solidarity of the minority. In sum, most of the theory of peace in China in the late 19th and early 20th centuries implied the logic of imperialism. As compared With them, Zhang Taiyan’s theory of peace can be said to be a meaningful concept that can be referred to today.

There are a total of 19 Pan Yu-liang’s self-portraits. The period of creation was mostly between 1924 and 1949, and several of the important works were completed in the second French stay period(1938~1949). In other words, she chose Diaspora-style life and concentrated on narrating her feelings about herself. “Self-excitation” refers to the choice I made when I could no longer maintain a normal life in China because of her past career in the process of teaching and writing after returning from studying in France. The study of Pan Yu-liang was mainly done in the fields of biographical studies, novel studies, painting forms studies, and painting ideas studies. Previously, research on Pan’s self-portrait was considered only part of The study on Pan’s overall work. This paper divides Pan Yu-liang’s self-portrait into three stages, the first, we will talk about the entrance examination to stigma and prejudice and the declaration of ourselves; the second, we will talk about ‘idealized’ and ‘glorified’ self-image; the third, we will talk about self-esteem and transcendence. In three aspects, we will approach narrating her feelings about herself.

This article explores the mechanism of change of symbolic meaning with the case of ‘Red Songs(紅歌),’ which has at least three different symbolic systems. The first is ‘Red Songs’ of Mao Zedong’s era. Here, it could be interpreted as “religious music.” Mao Zedong and the Communist Party of China were glorified, and musically sounded like a bright and energetic march. It was also sung mainly in official ceremonies such as national anniversaries. In addition, it was followed by special meanings such as overcoming hardships and adversity. The sublime, piousness and solemnity filled the ‘Red Songs.’ The second one was made up of ≪Red Sun(紅太陽)≫, which was very popular album in China in the early 1990s. Here, ‘Red Songs’ was a ‘trot’ with dance rhythm and disco flavor, and little praise for Mao was conveyed. Electronic instruments were mainly used, and the most popular singer sang. Many people listened to the song as a diversion, and even sang it with excitement at karaoke. The last one can be found in ≪China Red Song Show(中國紅歌會)≫, which was one of the most popular TV show in China in the late 2000s. Here, it was more like ‘moral song.’ Most of the ‘Red Songs’ appeared through the process of revising and deleting the lyrics. Songs that used to be hard to see as ‘Red Songs’ were included here. The meaning of universal ethics and morality was added to ‘Red Songs.’ These three kinds of ‘Red Songs’ have a distinct symbolic systems. The change in symbolic meaning may be the same process as the formation of a new symbolic system, as if a new “genre” is being created.

I made the name ‘首爾’, the Chinese name of Seoul, Capital of South Korea, in 1994. On January 19, 2005, the mayor of Seoul, Lee Myung-bak announced that he finally decided to give Seoul a Chinese name, ‘首爾’. He asked the Chinese to call Seoul ‘首爾[Shouer]’ instead of ‘漢城[Hanseong]’ which was the name of Seoul during the Joseon Dynasty. The naming principles that I considered when I named Seoul are as follows: First, the pronunciation of Seoul’s Chinese name should be close to the sound of Korean ‘서울’(Seoul). Second, it must conform to Chinese principles of naming foreign places. It must bring the Chinese people a clear image of the foreign capital. Third, its image should be bright and beautiful, and its meaning should have a philosophy to respect human values. Fourth, the number of Chinese letters and strokes should be small. Fifth, it should have a historical background. Sixth, the external shape of letters should have a beautiful structure. Seventh, it should not contain any letters or pronunciation that make Chinese people misunderstand or conjure up negative images. I hoped to create Seoul’s Chinese name containing images and meanings of bright, beautiful and pursuing political ideals to respect human values. In ancient Chinese word ‘首’, it has the following meanings: Head, Leader, Beginning, Main points, Road, First, Best, Give birth to, Face to and Lower one’s head to show respect. ‘爾’, this word has the following meanings: You, Luxuriant flower, Beautiful, Morning sun shines through the window, A lot of and Be full of. By combining ‘首’ and ‘爾’, I tried to create new images and meanings of ‘首爾’. These are as follows: First, the foremost city that sets good examples for other cities to emulate. Second, the city where the sun shines brightly through the window early in the morning. Third, the city where early spring comes, thus, the first luxuriant flowers bloom. Fourth, the city like a merciful mother who gives you unique value and new life. Fifth, the city that reveals your true worth. Sixth, people are at their best, hence the city full of the best people. One’s name contains the family’s hope for one’s valuable life and bright future. How much more the Chinese name of Seoul -- ‘首爾’, the capital of South Korea!

This paper analyzed and considered The Grandmaster, a film produced by Wong Kar Wai, which deals with the biography of Yeop Moon. The Grandmaster is the first film that represents a historical figure who really existed, with the background of China, among Wong Kar Wai’s films. The Grandmaster describes Ye Wen and his achievement by using a technique entirely different from those of the existing ‘Ye Wen films’. It brought about change in the genre stereotype by excluding the mythicization and herozation of figures, which have been used by biography films and adding a story about Gung-I, a fictitious figure. In addition, although it apparently seems to be a martial art film, as do most of such films, it abandons the exhibition of duels among masters and brilliant martial arts techniques. Instead, The Grandmaster gives priority to the exploration of Ye Wen as a person and his time. It describes the process in which Ye Wen had struggled to transfer his own martial arts to the next generations, a longing for the moment in which Ye Wen and Gung-I are united through martial arts, and the Gung family which could not transfer its own martial arts to the next generations, but just vanished as Gung-I was confronted with historical limits. It is possible to easily infer the director’s thought the relationship between contemporary China and Hongkong, based on the aesthetics of the narrative constitution involved with figures and times in The Grandmaster. In addition, it may thus be possible to reflect on how to promote the co-existence of both contemporary China and Hongkong, through the journey of creation, which Wong Kar Wai has underwent to thoroughly arrange the biography of Ye Wen.

This paper tries to analyze how hate speech that causes discomfort and alienation in the “Midnight Runners” film, and the point and meaning of hate expression in the ‘Korean-Chinese’ and ‘Daerim-dong’ spaces that the film reproduces. The movie is starring police college students Ki-joon and Hee-yeol, and the film follows their gaze and it recreates hate speech ‘Korean-Chinese’. Reproduces the ‘Korean-Chinese’ aversion through Yoon-jung’s abduction and ova over-injections, organ trafficking, group assault and chase, gynecological ova extraction and mass fighting. It also recreates Daerim-dong as a place where criminals who should be deported live, not as a space in Seoul. It strengthens heterogeneity and causes fear. Surrounded by the Chinatown in Daelim-dong, ‘Daerim Station Exit 12’ is reproduced as a crime-maximizing space. With Dorim-ro in front of Exit 12 of Daelim Station in between, it is divided into ‘Korean-Chinese’ streets, which are spaces of day and night, creating boundaries and producing a sense of disgust. This paper examined how the point of ‘Korean-Chinese’ crime and the ‘Korean-Chinese’ space in Daerim-dong are distorted and compartmentalized at which point according to the development of the narrative.

This paper translates and reviews four poems written by Li Bai(李白). The first poem consists of two paragraphs. The first paragraph praises the noble grace of Guo Jiying(郭季鷹). The second paragraph expresses Li Bai’s wish to become a phoenix and spread his wings with Guo Jiying and fly high. The second poem consists of four paragraphs. The first paragraph conveys Li Bai’s lament on his own situation where he has nowhere to go like mugwort and fallen leaves, and he knows how to save the world, but no one recognizes him for it. In the second paragraph, he laments that while the king rules the country well and there is no war at the border, he hasn’t gotten ahead in the world. In the third paragraph, he says the reason he visits to meet many competent people is not to retreat like Zhu Geliang(諸葛亮) but to achieve his achievements while still young. The fourth paragraph deals with his wishes. He understands that he and other competent talents know each other’s ambitions well, and even if they break up, he wants to be able to leave their name for the next generation. The third poem can be divided into two paragraphs. The first paragraph praises the great virtue of Secretary Wang(王司士). In the second paragraph, he says Secretary Wang is talented and wants him to take office in the central government. The fourth poem can also be divided into two paragraphs. Here’s what the first paragraph says: The king called wise hermits, but the two brothers insisted on remaining hermits. So the king appreciated their ethos. The second paragraph expresses his joy to have met the two brothers, and his desire to live like the Taoist hermits with the two brothers.

During his lifetime, Li Bai lived as a court literary man for just three years. In fact, most of his youth and even his time after the court life were nearly full of wandering lives through mountains and rivers of various places. Therefore, his dream for making achievements and advancing his career in the court world wasn’t able to be fulfilled. In other words, his plan couldn’t be carried out, which was to retire to hermitage in nature after a glorious success in the political world. Under this circumstances, Li Bai composed lots of ‘Xianshi poems(Leisure poems, 閑適詩)’ representing such artistic qualities as sublimate loneliness into serenity and furthermore delightful tranquility, wash away troubles and anguish with alcohol and spread his free thoughts and real feelings without restriction. His poems can be interpreted and construed as the masterpieces painting the poet himself who reached the highest state of mind of transcendentalism beyond secularity.

Gu wen tan gai(古今譚概) is a collection of Xiaohua(笑話) compiled by Feng Menglong(馮夢龍). Feng Meng-long is a writer who lived in the late Ming and early Qing dynasties. As it is known, he made great achievements in ancient Chinese folk literature. In particular, he compiled and collected Xiaohua that had been passed down from generation to generation. He also took stories from ancient scriptures, edited them, and put them in this book. As such, Feng Meng-long contributed greatly to the compilation of the Xiaohua. This paper translated and annotated works from 1 to 10, including the introduction, among the 70 of yufu(迂腐), the first of Gu wen tan gai (古今譚概). Except for the last episode, all of the other nine major figures were bureaucrats. He selected and introduced anecdotes from officials who could highlight the topic of ‘hackneyed’. He mainly focused on stories where officials spoke words and actions that did not fit their position. These 10 Xiaohua have already been recorded in several ancient Chinese original texts, including Meng zi(孟子), Han shu(漢書), He lin yu lu(鶴林玉露). Although, he did not reveal from which source he was quoted, but it was not difficult to find the source in most cases. What is clear is that he has concisely adapted the original text to fit the characteristics of the genre of Xiaohua. Also, he added implicit and sarcastic criticism. And from that, although the readers might not immediately understand the appearance of the hackneyed officials. But they could have their own interpretation and appreciation because they had to think carefully to realize it.

This is the fourth paper in a series of research courses that examine HongDamHeon Cheokdok(≪洪湛軒尺牘≫), kept in the Rare Books Collection of Peking university library, comparing four letters--from the 27th to the 30th letter--with the domestic literary collection and translating it back into Korean. The 27th letter written by Qing Dynasty's scholars, Yan Cheng(嚴誠) in the fall of 1767 contain a number of sentences that reveal his academic attitude and thought, while writing down his longing for Chosun Dynasty's envoy, Hong Dae-yong plaintively. The 28rd letter is two poems in which Yan Cheng implicitly wrote his feelings of missing of his friend, Hong Dae-yong. The 29th letter is a letter from Yan Cheng to Pan Ting-yun(潘庭筠), who passed the state examination in the second lunar month of 1766 and was living in Beijing. In the letter, Yan Cheng asked Pan Ting-yun to leave his letter to Pan's cousin, Xu Guang-ting(徐光庭). The 30th letter is a letter from Yan Cheng to Pan Qi-xiang(潘其祥), the father of Pan Ting-yun, in the fall of 1767. In this letter, Yan Cheng asked Pan Qi-xiang to send his letter to Beijing. Through a study of these four letters, I translate these letters in classical Chinese into Korean and investigate the correct meaning and the inside story of the four letters.