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pISSN : 1598-2076
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2014, Vol., No.29

  • 1.

    Imjin-rok: Memories of Imjin War - focusing on Imjin-rok history-based classical Chinese version -

    Chung Kil-soo | 2014, (29) | pp.7~35 | number of Cited : 4
    Abstract PDF
    Imjin-rok is a Korean historical novel in late Joseon dynasty. I researched a method of remembering Imjin War(Japanese invasions of Korea, 1592-1598) distortedly from the conservative perspective. The author of Imjin-rok(history-based classical Chinese version) emphasized that it was impossible Joseon defeated Japan on its own by describing Toyotomi Hideyoshi as the hero of heroes and exaggerating Japanese military capabilities. On the other hand, he attributed blame to party strife of Joseon vassals for failing defense. So he thought the destiny of Joseon depended on the military aid of Ming. As a result, it was described the emperor of Ming as the absolute, commander-in-chief Li Rusong李如松 as a messiah, and Seonjo宣祖 as a key figure who derived rescue from Ming. The author of Imjin-rok(classical Chinese version) wanted to make people aware of Imjin War as ‘successful war’, and attributed ‘the success’ to Ming and Seonjo. It was the same with the estimation of Imjin War that Joseon royal court made after the war. Furthermore, the method of remembering Imjin War in Imjin-rok agreed with the thought of the ruling class who wanted to relieve the disgrace of Byeongja Horan(Second Manchu invasion of Korea, 1636) by emphasizing the worship of Ming dynasty and the legitimacy of Injo仁祖 in succession to Seonjo.
  • 2.

    Study on <DoDongGok> by Joo, Se-bung

    박현숙 | 2014, (29) | pp.39~60 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    This study first focuses on the fact that <DoDongGok>, composed by Joo, Se-bung is used in HyangSa (an elaborated expression with food to spirits of the dead), Baekwoon-dong Seowon (private Confucian academy founded in Baekwoon province). Then, based on the sacred rite in JookGeJi, this studied out the meaning and role of <DoDongGok> by considering specific ceremony. In general, HyangSa at most private Confucian academies took place in accordance with the SeokJeonEui of Munmyo (Confucius’s Shrine). To explain the reason why <DoDongGok> is composed of nine chapters, this study first compared ritual ceremonies in JookGeJi with SeokJeon ceremonies both in 『GukJoOhRyeEui』 and 『GukJoOhRyeSeoRye』, then, it discussed how <DoDongGok> was sung during the HyangSa ceremony in reality. <DoDongGok>, a total of nine chapters, was sung in the process of libation to the god during HyangSa ceremony held both in spring and autumn at Baekwoon-dong Seowon. More specifically, the nine chapters were divided in three. The first three chapters were presented at the first libation (ChoHeon), and the second three chapters were recited at the middle libation (Aheon). Finally, the last three chapters were performed at the final libation (JongHeon). <DoDongGok>predicates Joo, Se-bung’s point of view that AnHyang should be considered the main purpose on reciting Sijo in Chosun Confucianism while Jeong, Mong-ju was recognized as the original from the list of scholars who legitimately transmit the Dohak established during JungJong era. The main plot of DoDongGok was superficially outlined by Confucian scriptures, however, it put focus on good deeds of An-hyang, the object of rites, to be widely-known. Specifically, this study discussed the theory of Dotong (Legitimate Transmission of the Orthodoxy) in <DoDongGok>, from the viewpoint when it is closely connected to AnHyang, could bring out a question of ‘handing down genealogy of Confucian enlightenment’ which surpasses acceptation or general knowledge.
  • 3.

    Two Aspects of the Response to the <Cheollyungga>

    Jae Nam Choi | 2014, (29) | pp.61~89 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    The aim of this article is to research the response to the <Cheollyungga(鐵嶺歌)> sung by Lee Hangbok. There are sorrow and tears to monarch in <Cheollyungga> as a Sujoga(水調歌). One aspect of response is feeling anxiety about the dejection of spirit, being brought by Lee Jeonggu. The other aspect of response is to prise the devotion and never forgetting to monarch , being brought by Song Siyeol. The one aspect of response is related to the attitude of a subject, being connected with the attitude of Gulwon(屈原) to King Whoi(懷王) in Cho(楚) Dynasty. The other aspect of response is related to the attitude of monarch, being connected with the attitude of the emperor Shinjong(神宗) to So Dongpa(蘇東坡) in Song(宋) Dynasty. An attitude of feeling anxiety about the dejection of spirit is taking root in the reading experience of a learned man. A learned man has to control his mind consistently being at a crisis, for example exile. He has to express his generous heart, and doesn't have to express his sorrow and grudge and so on. An attitude to prise the devotion and never forgetting to monarch is taking root in the toleration of the monarch to a subject. In this case, there are turnover political situations. So a new governor take guide new paradigm to the benefit of his party. An attitude of feeling anxiety about the dejection of spirit is continue in the first half period in 17th century, and a turnover political attitude was repealed in the second half period in 17th century. In Conclusion, we are able to classify the attitude to respect to Kagok as feeling anxiety about the dejection of spirit and the devotion and never forgetting to monarch.
  • 4.

    A Study of Gumgaegseolsaengjeon[劒客薛生傳]

    An, Soon-Tae | 2014, (29) | pp.91~119 | number of Cited : 3
    Abstract PDF
    The purpose of this paper is to investigate the characteristics of Geomgaegseolsangjeon[劒客薛生傳], the swordsman Seolsang’s biography written by Nam Juheon[南周獻]. The biography started out with Seolsaeng’s father killed and robbed of his cow by burglars when Seolsaeng was young. Seolsaeng saw the robbery taking place and informed a government official who found the burglars and demanded the death penalty. Seolsaeng studied swordsmanship for several years before working for a prime minister. One day, a Buddhist priest, who is the prime minister’s enemy, forced himself into the prime minister’s office and suddenly tried to attack him. Seolsaeng instantly killed the Buddhist priest with his sword. After several years, Seolsaeng advised the minister to change his bedroom that night for his safety. At midnight, another Buddhist priest broke into the minister’s original bedroom, but found it empty. This Buddhist priest exclaimed, “The last priest you killed was my student, so why don’t you fight me?” Seolsaeng and the Buddhist priest fought each other until Seolsaeng killed him. Seolsaeng then turned to the prime minister and said, “I repaid your kindness, and I will now leave you.” The prime minister was the same government official who helped find retribution for Seolsaeng’s father’s death. This biography was not originally written by Nam Juheon, but was adapted from Yu Hanjun[兪漢雋]’s work, Geomgaeggimun[劒客記聞]. The contents of these two works are similar, but there remain differences. For example, Nam removed a scene from Yu’s work that would ruin the plot’s perfection. In addition, Nam used an unofficial historical tale in his work to make it more lively and interesting. Finally, Nam criticized Seolsaeng praising Hyung-ga[荊軻], a famous assassin in ancient China. Since Yu’s work is a direct transcription of tales from the people, there is no criticism. The assassin Hyung-ga attempted to kill the king of Qin[秦] for Tianguang[田光], who appreciated Hyung-ga. Seolsaeng and Hyung-ga are equal when considering how they repay kindness. Therefore, Nam’s criticism contributes to the work. Swordsmen emerged after Imjinueran, which is the Japanese invasion of Korea in 1592, and were prevalent throughout the latter Joseon times. During these times, tales about swordsmen were popular among the people and writers wrote biographies about the swordsmen tales.
  • 5.

    Kim Chang-up's Interest in the Old Monk of China and its Historical Connotation

    Yu, Jeongyeol | 2014, (29) | pp.121~150 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    This paper examines the nature of Kim Chang-up's interest in the old monk of Kaksansa(角山寺) in China, in relation to the historical background at the times. Kim Chang-up's interest in the old monk results in interpreting him as an anti-Ching[反淸] Han Chinese[漢人] man who can possibly sympathize with Kim's anti-Ching sentiment. However, this paper has found that Kim's understanding is an over-interpretation arisen from his lifelong desire to meet the Han race[漢人] anti-Ching activist in the Yeon-Kye[燕薊]area. Throughout this, it can be concluded that Kim Chang-up has been fettered by the anti-Ching ideology even after his trip to China. Also Kim's mentality shows one aspect of tangled emotions toward the Ching dynasty that prevailed among Chosun scholar gentry.
  • 6.

    Late-Joseon period novels' acceptance aspects of baihua(白話)

    Kim, Soo Young | 2014, (29) | pp.151~177 | number of Cited : 4
    Abstract PDF
    This paper examined the late-Joseon period novels' acceptance aspects of baihua(白話) through Hwang, Jung-yoon's Cheon-gun-gi(天君紀), Yi, Ok's Sim-saeng-jeon(沈生傳), and Yi, Hyeon-gi's Jang-su-gwa-jeon(張守果傳). First, Cheon-gun-gi accepted baihua partially using mainly pronouns and postpositional articles. Cheon-gun-gi’s baihua acceptance pattern was understood as resulting from the author Hwang, Jung-yoon reading the Chinese historical novels(演義小說) and creatively borrowing their various patterns. Sim-saeng-jeon accepted baihua using mainly two-character combined words. Sim-saeng-jeon's baihua acceptance pattern was understood as resulting from a significant limitation due to traditional Korean chuanchi novels(傳奇小說)' tradition and its genre norms. Furthermore, baihua, conversed in Sim-saeng-jeon, was understood as part of the author Yi, Ok's life-long pursuit for literary style experiments. In addition, Jang-su-gwa-jeon featured more baihua sentences than wenyan(文言), accepting baihua entirely. Its baihua acceptance pattern was understood as resulting from the author Yi, Hyeon-gi positively using the literary style of baihua novels such as Suhojeon(水滸傳) in order to exude the colloquial mood particular to yadamgye novels(野談系小說). The findings of this study on the late-Joseon period novels' acceptance of baihua are outlined as follows. First, late-Joseon novels' baihua acceptance continued from the first half of the 17th century to the 19th century. Second, late-Joseon novels' baihua acceptance was confirmed in all genres of historical novels, chuanchi novels, yadamgye novels. Third, late Joseon novels' baihua acceptance level was significantly influenced not only by authors' capabilities and characters, but also by the tradition and norms of various novel genres.
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  • 8.

    A Comparative Study on the Theme of Goddess in the Poetic Exposition in Early China and Shin Seokcho's "The Dancing Goddess"

    Sung-Min Kim | 2014, (29) | pp.215~248 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    Shin Seokcho (1909-1975) was a modern Korean poet who was known to attempt successfully to promote variation on modern Korean poetry from Korean classical poetry. His poems are criticized based on dichotomy influence theory: the one was from traditional Asian literature, and the other was from a French symbolistic poet, Paul Valéry. In the academic field of Modern Korean Literature, there are a number of scholars who perceive Shin Seokcho's poems were mainly influenced by Paul Valéry. But there are also others who believe his poems were composed based on his style of elegance and Korean ideology of pung ru (風流) which was built upon the ideology of Lao zi. Kim Hyojung argues in his paper that Shin Seokcho's poems with the dancing theme were mostly influenced by Paul Valéry, and as a piece of evidence, he compares the differences and similarities between Shin Seokcho's "The Dancing Goddess" to Paul Valéry's "Les vaines danseuses." In this paper, I attempt to inquire upon his argument by comparing "The Dancing Goddess" with "Les vaines danseuses," and early Chinese poetic exposition with the theme of 'the encounter with the goddess,' such as "The Poetic Exposition on Gao-tang" and "The Goddess" by Song Yu, and "The Goddess of the Luo" by Cao Zhi. It is possible to perceive "The Dancing Goddess" was influenced by "Les vaines danseuses" since there are a few similar poetic expressions. But "The Dancing Goddess" is a metaphor of the goddess descent, a union between the goddess and the speaker in the poem, their embarkment on an enchanted place, and their separation. Thus it depicts Taoistic poetic sentiment. Moreover, it could be even connoting about the tradition of an ancient goddess worship. The theme of union between a man and the goddess is well conveyed in "The Poetic Exposition on Gao-tang" and "The Goddess of the Luo." Furthermore, I could find similarities between "The Dancing Goddess," "The Goddess," and "The Goddess of the Luo" on descriptive details of the goddesses' images and the way goddesses and the speakers in the poems responded to each other. In addition, the period and the region of these poets, Song Yu, Cao Zhi, and Shin Seokcho, lived were different, but there were common elements on their political and social environments. Therefore they make me wonder about their motives in composing the goddess theme poetry. Why did they compose the poems with the theme of 'the encounter with the goddess' or 'the goddess descent'? For example, Shin Seokcho composed "The Dancing Goddess" between 1933-1938, which was the period Korea was under Japanese occupation, thus Koreans were suffocating from Japanese oppressions. The possible reason could be the poet's longing to retreat to an enchanted world which might have brought him to haven from the wretched reality. Then what does the goddess descent mean? As in "The Poetic Exposition in Gao-tang," the king consummating with the goddess meant that he was granted with the special authority. This is because the goddess supposed to possess the special power. The other reason why the goddess descent is considerable is because she can lead the poet into a wonderland. "The Dancing Goddess" by Shin Seokcho is a very meaningful piece of work because it not only illustrates Taoistic influence but also the tradition of an ancient goddess worship.
  • 9.

    A Study on the various views of doctors depicted in old Korean Remedy Stories

    Inkyung Lee | 2014, (29) | pp.249~285 | number of Cited : 5
    Abstract PDF
    This paper analyzed the various descriptive perspectives and insatiable desires of doctors, depicted in the old Korean Remedy Stories which are transmitted orally or included in books. As a result, I found that the storytellers were in awe of excellent doctors who had cured the patients' incurable diseases, and they had strong desires of contacting the excellent doctors and curing their own diseases, as well. In the old Korean Remedy Stories included in books, the narrators usually shows their jealousy of the doctors who had become successful in spite of difficult childhoods or poor financial situations resulted from their lowly status. Meanwhile, in the old Korean Remedy Stories transmitted orally, I found the patients' worries about the medical expenses or doctor's fee which they should pay. And, the stories, both transmitted orally and included in books, did show not only the doctors' having sense of inferiority and unstable ego-identity result from their low social status, but also their professional sense of duty and crisis as a doctor. Which presented through the various view points of the storytellers who had described the doctors' inward consciousness in the stories. Meanwhile, I found, in the stories, the inconsistent and improper ideas of the doctors that reflected the patients' selfish greed. The stories purported that doctors must have such professional sense of duty that they willingly take the sacrifice of giving up their own lives for saving the patient's life. Besides, the storytellers purported that the good doctors should properly give their medical services free for the patients, even though they used to look down on the doctors because of their low social rank. In conclusion, I found the old Korean Remedy Stories showed the self-contradictory and selfish desires for doctors such that the patients and storytellers want the doctors' medical services free, at the same time, they would despise the doctors because of low social rank.