Journal of Korean Literature 2021 KCI Impact Factor : 0.47

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2015, Vol., No.32

  • 1.

    Essay on the direction of the Late Chosun Dynasty poem in the reform - with the poetics of Baegak poetical circles as the center

    Kim Hyoung Sool | 2015, (32) | pp.7~35 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    This manuscript investigated the base and direction of the poetical variations in the Late Joseon Dynasty. Baegak poetical circles criticized the previous writers who thought poem as showing off or liberal arts. The key point of criticism was that previous writers emphasized on rhetorical expressions by copying the classics. So, Baegak poetical circles builded their poetics that poem was the result of author’s sincere heart by communication with poetical object. They emphasized on author’s thought and self-complacent. And from this position, they modified the theory of secrets of nature[天機] that was based on teachings of Chu-tzu. Baegak poetical circles’ truthful poem[眞詩] differed from Gongan poetical circles[公安派] in the late Ming dynasty. Gongan poetical circles accepted instinctive desire in their work, but Baegak poetical circles thought that the poem was the expression of the cultivated stage. This difference came from two group’s ideas that Baegak poetical circles based on the teachings of Chu-tzu, Gongan poetical circles based on the teachings of left wing of yang ming school.
  • 2.

    The Historical Change in Melodies of Short Songs and Long Songs and the Relations between Them

    Yim, Jaewook | 2015, (32) | pp.37~64 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract PDF
    There have been two types of songs in the history of korean classical poetry. The one is short songs and the other is long songs. This paper explores the historical transition in the melodies of two types and the corelation between them. The summary is as follows. As verified by the precedent research, the melodies of Gagok(歌曲), the representative genre of short songs in Joseon(朝鮮) dynasty changed from Mandaeyeop(慢大葉) to Jungdaeyeop(中大葉), Sakdaeyeop(數大葉) and various variations of Sakdaeyeop. And the repertory of Gagok increased and its tempo got faster gradually with the change of the melodies. It was made certain in this paper that some names of the melodies which have been explained as appeared in relatively late period in Joseon dynasty until now turned out at the beginning of the 19th century(correctly speaking, around 1822), and that Eotpyeonlak(엇編樂), a new melody of Gagok which has been never discovered before in the history of classical poetry until now turned out at the same age. And it was also made certain in this paper that there existed many pieces of works that were performed through singing besides the 12Gasa(12歌詞) -12 well known pieces of Gasa which were performed through singing-, and that not only the songs made in Korean but also the songs made in Chinese were sung widely, and that various genres such as Goryeogayo(高麗歌謠). Akjang(樂章), Gasa(歌詞), Japga(雜歌) had close relations one another. It is possible that there existed affinities between some individual melodies which were included in two types(short and long song), such as between Mandaeyeop(慢大葉) and Goryeogayo(高麗歌謠)․Akjang(樂章), between Jungdaeyeop(中大葉)․Sakdaeyeop(數大葉) and Gasa(歌詞), between Sijo(時調) and Japga(雜歌). Additionally two types share the similarities that are characterized as accumulating way and popularizing course in the process of historical change.
  • 3.

    Hyojong's reading and translation of Romance of the Three Kingdoms

    Kim, Soo Young | 2015, (32) | pp.67~88 | number of Cited : 7
    Abstract PDF
    This paper aims to reveal for the first time how Hyojong(孝宗, 1619∼1659), 17th king of Joseon, enjoyed reading Romance of the Three Kingdoms(三國志演義), as well as the cultural meaning of the king's such enjoyment. These aspects were identified as follows through the analysis of Comment on Queen Inseon's dictation of Romance of the Three Kingdoms in Korean(仁宣王后御書諺書三國演義跋) by Sim Ik-un(沈翼雲). First, King Hyojong, during his reign(1649-1659), read Romance of the Three Kingdoms and translated it into Korean. Second, King Hyojong translated Romance of the Three Kingdoms, and dictated it to Queen Inseon(仁宣王后) and court ladies. Third, King Hyojong-translated Romance of the Three Kingdoms was handed down to his third daughter, princess Sukmyeong(淑明公主), to whose great-great child Sim Ik-un the translation was handed down. Fourth, King Hyojong-translated Romance of the Three Kingdoms existed in the title of Queen Inseon's Translation of Romance of the Three Kingdom, comprising 13 books from book 5 to 17, on June 16, 1763 when Sim Ik-un wrote Comment on Queen Inseon's Translation of Romance of the Three Kingdom. These findings of this study revealed afresh that King Hyojong royal family of Joseon had a very positive perception of novels.
  • 4.

    Aspects of Using Yongsa[用事] and Classical Chinese Poetry[漢詩] in Characters and Narratives of Guunmong[九雲夢]

    Gu, Bon Hyeon | 2015, (32) | pp.89~132 | number of Cited : 4
    Abstract PDF
    There is no original text of Guunmong passed down. Accordingly there is a need to arrange officially certified copy by collating diverse editions. Above all, it deserves attention that Guunmong shows remarkable literary value by actively using conventional writing skills of Chinese classics. Guunmong is characterized by the imagery of characters using Yongsa and development of romantic narratives by using classical chinese poetry. Yongsa in Guunmong is used much in subtle ways in unexpected parts, though commonplace and banal. For example, the names of the characters appearing in Guunmong are the results of using mostly Yongsa, quote, which serves as the suggestion of what the characters did and the relationship with other characters besides the appearance and personality. In addition, it sometimes attracts reader’s attention by using precedents which are not known widely. In the meantime, in the process of narrating the relationship between lovers, classical Chinese poetry of Guunmong takes on the basic function of revealing inner side of characters. The act of creating classical poetry becomes the prologue to events, also the implications and the contents of poetry are realized in Guunmong’s narrative. As a result Yongsa and classical Chinese poetry in Guunmong embody effectively the value of Ganyo[簡要] and Onyudonhu[溫柔敦厚]. Guunmong not only shows the fun of fiction distinctive from the previous novels in the aspects of character image and narrative development, but also presents another pleasure of finding implication and authentic precedent in terms of writing method.
  • 5.

    People Who Lived in the Pictures of JeongSeon - Focused on Gwangjin(廣津), Apgujeong(鴨鷗亭), Dongjakjin(銅雀津)

    Lee, Jongmook | 2015, (32) | pp.133~171 | number of Cited : 3
    Abstract PDF
    Jeong Seon(鄭歚) painted a picture book, called GyeongGyoMyeongseungCheop(京郊名勝帖), in 1740 when he served as governor of Yang Cheon(陽川) County. The collection of paintings not only depicted beautiful scenery of the Han River(漢江), but described villas of famous literati as well. This paper first examined the villas depicted in Gwangjin(廣津) and Dongjakjin(銅雀津) whose the owners are not known, and then explored literati who lived in Apgujeong(鴨鷗亭) pavilion and its vicinity in the 18th century. Song Jeong-myeong(宋正明) and his brother Song Seong-myeong(宋成明) lived together at the foot of Mount Daesan(臺山) also dubbed as Sirubong. The brothers built Yeonjiwa(連枝窩), Cheongwudang(聽雨堂), Choyeonjeong(超然亭), Songseokheon(松石軒) and Haechijeong(奚取亭). Jo Gyeong-myeong(趙景命) who shared Doho(陶湖) lake with the brothers also built Gwirakjeong(歸樂亭), Sikyuam(息遊菴), Simandang(審安堂), and Suunru(峀雲樓). This paper has found that these buildings were painted in Gwangjin by Jeong Seon. This paper has also found that YiGui(李貴), Nam Yong-ik(南龍翼), Yun Bong-gu(尹鳳九), Bak Pil-ju(朴弼周) and Yun Se-gi(尹世基), along with their families, lived in the 17~18th century in such famous pavilions as Changhoijeong(蒼檜亭), Changrangjeong(滄浪亭), and Mansinru(望宸樓) painted in Dongjakjin. Apgujeongpavilion, which was owned by YuYeong-gyeong(柳永慶) in the 17th century but taken and renovated by Yi Taek-in the 18th century, was painted in Apgujeong. Gosimjeong(古心亭) pavilion and Sukmongjeong(夙夢亭) pavilion, which were built at the site where Neongheojeong(凌虛亭) pavilion was located built by Yu Hi-bun in the 17th century and taken and renovated by Hong Seo-bong in the 18th century, was also painted in Apgujeong by JeongSeon.
  • 6.

    A Study on “Sachae” Jongwoon Byeon’s Sino-centric World-Viewand Perception of his Own Country

    JIN HONGMEI | 2015, (32) | pp.173~194 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    Jongwoon Byun, a well-known translater at the late Chosun Dynasty, was renowned early as a good writer. He left many essays, which was rarely achievable as a translater at that time. We can see, through his works, how he perceived cultures of China and Chosun as well as the foreign relations. His understanding of many countries in the East Asia was basically based on the typical framework of Sino-centrism. He thought that even though the Ching Dynasty took the territory of the late Ming Dynasty, the cultural hegemony of Sino-centrism was taken over to Chosun Dynasty. He thought that Chosun is the country where the sun sheds light first and where there is a full energy of cultural movement. He thought that Chosun was a Little China because Chosun had fully realized the key cultures of China. Taking one step further, he argued that people of Chosun Dynasty were now the same as those of China. Also he argued that Mongjoo Chung, 72 sages, and other faithful retainers of the late Koryo Dynasty should be considered as highly as, or higher than, Boyi and Shuqi of the Chou Dynasty. He, however, was not positive about the Feng Sui of Chosun. He said that the Feng Sui of Chosun was a ‘broken range of mountains and disconnected foots of hills’. So there was no place proper for a capital city of an emperor or a burial site for an emperor. Jongwoon Byun took an attitude of disbelief and precaution against non-civilization. It seems that his negative attitudes against non-civilization are originated from the unpleasant memories of history such as Japanese Invasion of Korea in 1592 and the Manchu war of 1636, etc. He argued that China had been generous to the non-civilized, but the non-civilized had not to China, and so Chosun should always be careful against the surrounding foreign forces and need to build her military strengths.
  • 7.

    A study on Social Network and Messages Related to Marriage by Force (勒婚) - Focusing on Sohyeonseongrok, Yussisamdaelok, and Seonghyeongongsukryeolgi

    JooYoung Lee | 2015, (32) | pp.195~216 | number of Cited : 9
    Abstract PDF
    One of major events included in three‐generation stories is marriage to a princess by force. This study compared the process of such marriages in Sohyeonseongrok, Yussisamdaelok, and Seonghyeongongsukryeolgi, and found both similarities and differences. They were similar in that the son‐in‐law (駙馬) and the princess (公主) did not live in harmony for a while after marriage but the process of solving the problem was different among the stories. The difference arose not only from the personal characteristics of the son‐in‐law and the princess but also from the different aiming point of each story. Thus, this study explored the significance of differences in marriage by force in connection to the characters, episodes, expressions, etc. The three works are different from one another in the degree of rejecting or embracing family members who did wrong. This difference is believed to come from the different situations of each family in the social network. That is, each story set up differently the presence of the patriarch (家父長), family members’ faults, distance from the royal family (王室), conflict inside the royal family, network with people around the family, etc., and marriage to a princess by force is also considered a product of a particular social network. The messages emphasized by the three stories are also different. In addition, characters’ utterances exchanged in the process of the marriage by force show such differences. These characteristic phenomena in expression are believed to reflect the family members’ hope and effort to maintain the status of the family in the social network. That is, if families are different in status, their messages are also expressed in different ways.
  • 8.

    A study of Yun-ssi-jagirok(윤시ᄌᆞ긔록) by Haepyeong-Yun-ssi(해평윤씨)

    Haejin Cho | 2015, (32) | pp.217~243 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    This paper is the first study about Yun-ssi-jagirok(윤시ᄌᆞ긔록) written by Haepyeong-Yun-ssi(해평윤씨) that is transcribed in Hangul and possessed in the Hwaseong Municipal Folk Museum. Yun-ssi-jagirok is a self-narrative written by a Yangban woman in the nineteenth century which is handed down in Pungyang(豊壤) Jo(趙) family having lived in Hwaseong for generations. While the author of Yun-ssi-jagirok describes her life in chronological sequence, the narrative structures of it include 'comparison of her fortunate and unfortunate events.' The writing expresses her sadness and loneliness by describing a daily life of her own family and quoting her monologues directly. Moreover, the writer accepts some writing styles of Gasa and quotes some lines of it. Although Haepyeong-Yun-ssi's self identity was very similar to that of women of her time regulated by Sam-jong-ji-do(三從之道), it is distinctive that she puts her filial duty before her wifely duty in the writing. The writer wrote Yun-ssi-jagirok to provide the meaning of her own life and to identify several reasons why she did not kill herself even after her husband's death to her descendants.
  • 9.

    Bang Jeong-hwan form and meaning of the ‘fairy tale ghost’ research

    KIM KYUNG HEE | 2015, (32) | pp.245~275 | number of Cited : 7
    Abstract PDF
    The paper says the interest in oral story with this Bang Jeong-hwan, he would like to explore what we want to convey the message to children through the left by three contemporary ghost convenience fairy tale. Bang Jeong-hwan has published a translation of donghwajip July 1922 Gift of love and participate in Child magazine in saekdonghoe activities and activists boy while storytelling is a well-known person landscape. Meantime, research on Bang Jeong-hwan is not without its part by organizing his work focuses on nuclear verification of the translation work. In this paper, Bang Jeong-hwan understand the demons content fairytale three-friendliness configured based on the oral stories and looked at what they preach story newly constructed specifically. As a result, in January 1921, ‘Those who ate a ghost’ this is the first time introduced the Seongchil away to eat the fish directly to the villagers confused demons believe he has changed the fish was relieve anxiety about the ghosts. October 1924 ‘Ghosts of Seongchil catch - the sequel to the ghost ate people’ Seongchil is based on the experience showed in the first part in a demanding wealth of the rich and daughters solve the problem caught the servant Seongchil is a fake ghost reign and that it became the son-in-law's house. In August 1925, ‘Candle ghost’ who gave the villagers to buy a candle held in Seoul, the village people do not know the use case went to the teacher with the most literate in the neighborhood. Also the teacher did not know how to use them to eat were boiled to recognize that the candles a whitebait. Once people know that the people of the village went to Seoul ate boiled candle, it was known as the candle turn on the lights, not the whitebait. Let the villagers trying to chase the stranger regarded as a cigarette falls in the water all the concerns that ignite in his bat watched because it is a joke of the goblin village people are talking head puts the water depth more surprised. ‘Candle ghosts’, it is this figure which could harm arbitration confusion, as ‘People who eat the ghosts’ absence. Bang Jeong-hwan is a wise person like this and seongchil solve the problem, a person such as a teacher of geulbang confusing ghost appeared in the fairy tale by emphasizing that it is to possess knowledge and experience in contemporary children.