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This article is a reinterpretation of the places and characters of Hong Dae-yong's work <Uisan-mundap>. First, I looked around again the places. I have noticed that I can grasp the true meaning of "Yo-ya(Liao-dong plain)" as a place of text as well as "Uimuryeo-san". Yo-ya" is a place where it becomes a practical basis for various logic that is discussed in texts, especially "Jiwon-seol(the theory is that the Earth is round)", and "Muhan-Uju-seol(the theory is that universe is infinite)". Hong Dae-yong reflected a lot of "Jiwon-seol" which he experienced as he passed through "Yo-ya" in the <Uisan-mundap>. From this point of view, the places of the <Uisan-mundap> are "Uimuryeo-san" and "Yo-ya". And the meaning of the place was not only the boundary of Huai, but also more prominent as a vast uninhabited place. Next, I studied the characters. You can see very multifaceted figures from "Heo-ja" and "Shil-ong". The appearance of Hong Dae-yong, who is a traveler, is partly reflected in "Heo-ja". It also shows the general image of a confucian scholar of the Joseon Dynasty. "Shil-ong" also reflects the shape of Hong Dae-yong, but the image of old himself, who realized the great truth, is projected here. However, it can be inferred that the self-consciousness of Hong Dae-yong's social existence is reflected in a bizarre appearance of "Shil-ong". Not only that, but also a part of the image of the three confucian scholars, whom he met in China. In the full-scale dialogue, "Heo-ja" and "Shil-ong" are also highly abstracted. In the dialogue leading to "Inmul-gyun", "Jiwon-seol", "Jijeon-seol(heliocentric theory)", and "Muhan-Uju-seol", "Shil-ong" is portrayed as a representative of "Mul(物)", and "Heo-ja" plays the role of a representative of human.

This paper investigated the geography of the section from Sanhaegwan to Tongju in the route of diplomatic envoy to Beijing and deliberated the marks of mind of a Joseon intellectual who was nameless in this space. Sanhaegwan was the eastern gate of Jangseong which was the passage of civilization as well as the border between Chinese and other ethnic group since Ming dynasty. It’s about 300km from Sanhaegwan to Beijing and took about 9 days for the diplomatic envoy to move from Sanhaegwan to Beijing. The section was the passage of civilization where human and material exchange was actively executed as excitement and emotion from approach to the center of civilization was heightened and expansion of knowledge and experience and intellectual growth were appreciated through the experience of new culture. The substantial part of ancient road coincides with the public Jingha(京哈) railway G102 at present. The area was the metropolitan area in the past so that the city flourished and civilization was developed. For efficient discussion, the entire section was divided into five parts: Sanhaegwan(山海關)-Munyeong(撫寧)-Yeongpyeong(永平)-Pungyun(豐潤)-Gyeju(薊州)-Tongju(通州). Through the discussion, most parts were restored and several spots were identified. Furthermore, the interests of envoys per spot which were generally observed beyond times and individuals were analyzed to emphasize that the section was not simply the stagnant relics from the ancient times but historic site which was still filled with vitality. This paper tried to keep the extensive and dimensional viewpoint overlooking the entire route of diplomatic enjoy by reflecting the research results related to historic geography in the region as much as possible. The attitude of this paper will be generally required for further study.

This article is the result of examining Hong, Daeyong(洪大容, 1731～1783)’s notion of heaven. His notion of heaven can be clissified into three. One is ideological type, the second is humane type and the third is natural type of heven. Extremely abstract concept, the ideological type of heaven is the essence of all things. As Neo-Confucian, Hong thought that the human nature and natural laws inheres in heaven. But Hong considered the human nature and natural laws to be concrete and recognizable. To the next Hong’s humane type of heaven could be caught in the thinking of universal fraternity. Hong insisted on treating Chinese and Barbarians equally instead of discriminating. In Hong’s claim, the humane type of heaven could help him to overcome the discrimination bewteen inside and outside. Finally the natural type of heaven refers to the heaven as the object of objective observation. The heaven which Hong refers to when he explains the operation of the celestial body corresponds to the natural type of heaven. Through these three perspectives, Hong could have an equitable view of the world.

This article aims at exploring the recognition of Ming China reflected in the official documents and the letters of Joseon envoys for revising the wrong lineage about the king Taejo(1335-1408) and malicious slander that he killed four kings of Goryeo in Ming Taejo's Huang Ming Zu Xun(皇明祖訓). Joseon envoys' effort to correct the records called jonggyebyeonmu[宗系辨誣] began from King Taejong, but it was intensively made from King Jungjong to King Seonjo. In the process of requesting the correction of the wrong historical records it was official documents jucheongmun[奏請文] sending to Ming Emperor and letters to his high officers concerned that played the most important role. Jonggyebunmu was performed in three stages: the first stage was 'problem-raised' one, represented by King Taejong's jucheongmun; it focused on describing the historical facts, emphasizing the close relationship to Ming China. The second stage was 'correction-actualized' one: Jucheongmuns of Nam Gon and Gi Daeseong stressed the ethics between father and son as well as king and subject; they put in Ming emperors' answers in detail in each Jucheongmun, implicating their repeated nonperformance besides reminding of their responsibility for not keeping promise to Joseon kings. The final stage was 'revision-confirmed' one. Choi Rip and Go Gyeongmyeong highlighted Joseon king's wholeheartedness toward the correction and peculiar Joseon king-subject relationship and ethics. The alteration of the focus from the erroneous historical records to ethical matters was attributed to Ming's consideration of the correction as a matter of filial piety. The important thing is that in spite of altering the nature of the request Joseon Jucheongmun showed Ming emperors and his subjects the standard of Joseon filial piety. The reason Joseon made utmost effort to the correction was because the error could shake the basis of Joseon as a civilized country; in short all the efforts for the correction were, to Joseon, meant to be a march for restoring civilization.

This paper is a new attempt to read the creation traditions and tendencies of the government official’s list(Ti ming-Ji, 題名記) in the political and social contexts of the time in the Joseon Dynasty. In contrast to the private association of the bureaucrats, Ti ming-Ji is the official record of former and present government officials. And it emphasizes collective identity as bureaucrats. In order to grasp the contextual context, I first surveyed the present state of creation of Ti ming-Ji during the entire period of Joseon and listed it in the order of the times. And that the genre source is in the Ti ming-Ji of the Song and Won(宋元) Dynasty. There are two main aspects of the change. First in Early Joseon, it is emphasized that the Joseon dynasty secured new talents based on academic achievement and personality in order to overcome the Emperor of the Goryeo period and to succeed the transplantation of the Joseon political order. This means that the adjustment is precise and accurate. It is also a pride that Joseon's politics has already established a rational system. In particular, senior bureaucrats encouraged lower-level officials to recognize the historical evaluation, and if they supported the king, they would be rewarded through promotion. This is characterized by a sense of systematic order that drives the self-control and growth of new officials. After the middle of the Joseon, it is emphasized that damaged records should be restored and rebuilt through the war. It also shows a tendency to record the repair process in detail. And as the central government's maintenance has been completed, the literary subject is changed by local government. In this process, it emphasizes the political commitment that the leaders should play a role in fully communicating the edification of wages in the provinces in relation to the central government. The creation of Ti ming-Ji until the Joseon dynasty was made mainly by the awareness of the necessity of individuals who worked at the relevant government offices. On the other hand, since the mid-Joseon Dynasty, the making of the Ti ming-Ji in the province tends to be made in earnest in order to improve the accuracy of the information and to secure the standard of the local government through revising the practice of the old one. Lastly, in the late-Joseon, there is a tendency to inherit the creation traditions of early Chosun and the Middle Age. And both the object of creation and the object of reception were expanded from gentry to the middle class. Ti ming-Ji emphasizes the identity of ‘politician’, especially based on hierarchical order. In addition, it reveals that the political order must be fully operated by each individual position at a given location. Therefore, the production of the Ti ming-Ji is a characteristic genre that was inevitably prevalent in the process of establishing a new political order by Joseon Dynasty.

Up to now, prior study on Uhhwalga(迂闊歌) has paid much attention to the social status of writer Jung Hoon(鄭勳) and to interpret the emotion expressed in his work. Especially, there was a great difference in the interpretation about the emotion expressed in the works. In order to understand the world of Uhhwalga(迂闊歌) accurately, it is necessary to consider the fact that 17th century Korean classical poetry has expressed concern for identity in their works. This study focuses on this point and interpreted the work world of Uhhwalga(迂闊歌) in terms of identity. And Uhhwal(迂闊) is a new theme in the literary history of 17th century. This study focuses on this point and examined the meaning of loyalty. And this study examined the literary historical meaning of Uhhwalga(迂闊歌) through comparison with the works of Park In–ro(朴仁老), a contemporary writer dealing with Uhhwal(迂闊).

This paper describes the characteristics of the "Cheonghae Byeolgok(Song of the Blue Sea)", which is included in the collection of the Yonsei Univ. It was discussed with the focus on composition and contents. "Cheonghae Byeolgok" is a 117 numbers of poems written by Lee Byung-wook, who went to Bukcheong in Hamgyung-do in 1890. This work is influenced by Shin Kwang-soo's "Song of Kwanso" mentioned in the preface, and in particular inherits the three elements of the area, the provincial governor, and the gisaeng. I first summarized the facts of Lee Byoung-wook's writing on this work and the time of his creation of 1891, and left a question. In terms of composition, I understand this in two ways, content classification and part independent. Since "Cheonghae Byeolgok" is basically shaped by the ideal of Bukcheong, it has the perception that the problems faced by Bukcheong people at the time have also been solved. When Lee Byung-wook went to the Bukcheong, he faced the realistic problems of Bukcheong revolt and flood that occurred between 1888 and 1890. It is also important to remove the stigma of a culturally depraved area. In the "Cheonghae Byeolgok", he set up the provincial governor as a savior to solve this problem. He added an image of romance and abundance to the poems by giving weight to the gisaeng.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the experience of Nam Gongcheol(1760～1840) when he visited the Qing Dynasty in 1807 and the perception of the Qing Dynasty of him. In the course of 1807, Nam Gongcheol received his preface to prominent figures of the Qing such as Cao Jiang曹江, Li Linsong李林松, and Chen Xizu陳希祖, and was included in his collection of works published in 1815 by himself. Among them, especially, Cao Jiang was already known among the intellectuals of Joseon, so Nam Gongcheol visited Cao Jiang without hesitation. In Beijing, too, Nam Gongcheol met directly with the Zhu Yuren猪裕仁 and Wu Siquan吳思權. He also left a record of the meeting with Ryukyu琉球 ambassadors. Because all of the preface was wrote by descendant of the people of Ming明, Nam Gongcheol set them in his anthology as a preface. In addition, Zhu Yuren褚裕仁 and Wu Siquan吳思權 were all descendants of the Ming明, Nam Gongcheol felt strong sympathy for them. Such consciousness of conscience was expressed by the discrimination against Man people滿人 and Han people漢人. It is surprising to note that Nam Gongcheol, who was once enthusiastic with the school to learn the Qing Dynasty such as Park Jiwon, Yu Deukgong, and Park Jaega, however, he basically was lied in the background of the family and the political background that can not throw up the Daemyung loyalty大明義理論. It was perhaps natural that his father, Nam Yuyong, had written a history of Ming明, and that emphasized the faithful to Daemyung loyalty. In addition, most of the Joseon intellectuals at that time, in spite of the craze to learn the civilization of Qing Dynasty, could not deny the Daemyung loyalty actively. Yi Dukmu who closely cooperated with Nam Gongcheol, also had a great interest in the descendant of Ming people. As well known, Nam Gongcheol was a eclectic for Han Methodology漢學 and Song Methodology宋學. However, accepting the merits of Han Methodology漢學 is to relativize Song Methodology宋學, which is contradictive to the Daemyung loyalty, which had been weakened from the beginning. The reason why Nam Gongcheol, who had this self-contradiction, did not give up the Daemyung loyalty until the end was the courtesy to Ming people and the compassion for them through discrimination. In the late Chosun dynasty, the Daemyung loyalty can be said to show the deep self-contradiction of the intellectuals who could stand up at the final stage of Daemyung loyalty in the early 19th century. They acknowledged the merits of Han Methodology漢漢, which was to relativize the orthodox Neo-Confucianism. However, as the Daemyung loyalty was based on the orthodox Neo-Confucianism, they did not give up the that by expressing sympathy for the descendant of the people of Ming明. Because of his family background and political status, it seems that Nam Gongcheol was forced to ignore the advanced artifacts of the Qing Dynasty while experiencing the journey to the Qing Dynasty.

Byeon WonGyu(卞元圭, 1837-1896）was a famous translator and literati in late Joseon. There are many research for his diplomatic and enhance military contribution in the academic circles now. But the research about his descent and the life is seldom. Based on this point, I will do some research for his career and some relative communication activities according to his genealogy and historical documents of late Joseon on this paper. Byeon WonGyu's six generation was Byeon SeungEop(卞承業, 1623-1709) who was a translator between Korean and Japanese. His family began to developed after Byeon SeungEop. When Byeon WonGyu was 19 years old, he got the first in the imperial examination by the department of translation. After then, he served as the director of the Translation Bureau, OhWijang(五衛將) and other positions. And later he was promoted to a third grade civil servant as a interpreter. In 1880, Byeon WonGyu went to Tian Jin to meet Li HongZhang(李鴻章) in the identity as a special officer was in charge of report and advisory. In this meeting they talked about the constitution of senting the students from Joseon to Qing to study weapon manufacturing technology and military training knowledge. For he got a great achievement in this meeting, he was appointed county magistrate of JeokSeong(積城縣監) and magistrate of GaPyeong(加平郡守). Thereafter he occupied municipal official of PyeongSan(平山府使) and the chief local official of HanSeong(漢城府判尹). And also he continue played an important role in the diplomacy. From the existing historical document, Byeon WonGyu went to Qing for 10 times at least. In the process of the visit in 1880, he made a deep friendship with Kim YunSik(金允植, 1835-1922）who was the leader of the Joseon envoys. When he made a friendship with the officers as Yun TaeJun(尹泰駿, 1839-1884), Baek NakYun(白樂倫) and so on, he also communicated with literati of Qing Dynasty, just like You ZhiKai(游智開, 1816-1899), Kong XianYi(孔憲彛), Dong WenHuan(董文渙). Then Byeon WonGyu brought the poetry anthology “CangYuan ShiChao”(藏園詩鈔) to Joseon which was written by You ZhiKai and print it for publication. Although the communication was the regular course of official duties, but they indeed carried out a cultural exchanges. For there was a two way communication between them, so the significance is undeniable.

In this study, I examined the literary imagination and cultural consciousness of “friends and friendship” in Korean Oral Narratives which have been passed on oral tradition and by books. The themes of the events appearing in the folktales of “friendship” are mainly based on “request” and “betrayal.” The dominant cultural consciousness was such that a true friend would do his friend a favor even at the sacrifice of his morality and life. Since rejection of a favor was considered as an act of betrayal, those who were asked for a favor of a friend would do as requested in spite of the moral flaws of the requests. The "favors" in disguise of friendship had often caused a moral clash with the public order. they had turned blind eyes to the corruption of their friends, helped their illegal activities, and even arrogates their public authorities. It had proved that everything is tolerated and beautified by the name of his "loyalty to a friend", even if the action undermines social justice, public order, moral norms, and universal ethics of human beings,The imagination of folktales had devised “Friendship test” as the most effective strategy to distinguish a true friend from a potential traitor. This has a serious problem, however, of that there is no considering and respecting the other's independence and privacy. Also, the perspective of regarding a friend as one's alter ego emphasizes the intimacy of friendship, while reveals the violence to control his friend according to his own desire without recognizing the importance of individuality of the counterpart. The imagination of Korean folktales and cultural consciousness only emphasized the infinite utility of “friendship” but did not reflect on the violence and criminality of “request” and “conspiracy” which are occurred by the name of "loyalty". A friend should be considered as a subject of love, respect, care and sympathy, not an adjunct to control at my own discretion or an assistant satisfying my needs. A friend is a good teacher who helps me mature my personality. And a friend is a good life partner, a purpose in itself, not a means to gain profits. Not Keeping guard against our friend's betrayal but check the question whether I behave myself sincerely as a true friend. In short, Birds of a feather flock together. In a follow-up study, I will research how to create new friends and become true friends by surveying the folktales that show positive examples of friendship.