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Baridegi, which is a representative Korean shamanist myth, is a text focused on the ethics of Shamanism. The ethics of shamanism underlie the Hamheung version of Baridegi. Other versions of Baridegi appear to discuss Confucian ethics on the surface, but carry a subtext of Buddhist ethics. The Hamheung version appears to discuss Confucian ethics on the surface, but carries a subtext of the ethics of shamanism. Baridegi’s journey is a way of achieving harmony with the universe, which is the aim of shamanism. The ethics of shamanism are magnified in the ending part of the Hamheung version. The reborn mother fights with six of her seven daughters. On the other hand, through the final part of the youngest daughter’s journey, the conflict between the mother and the youngest daughter is resolved. However, in the end, both cases conclude with the death of all the characters. Death is presented as the essence of every being. Mangmook-gut is the art or ritual of creating harmony between death, or ‘ogital’ (the sickness of death), and life. These ethics of shamanism in the Hamheung version of Baridegi result in the creation of an anti-Buddhist and anti-Confucian attitude. The Hamheung version shows an anti-Buddhist attitude through the character of the bad Buddhist monk and displays an anti-Confucian attitude through the paradoxical speech which declares that virtuous women and loyalists are not good for the family. This is the distinctive characteristic of the Hamheung. This characteristic makes me believe that the Hamheung version is one of the early versions of the Baridegi myth.

This paper intends to suggest the meaning of accepting “Princess Bari” from the “Bari” of Hwang Sok-yong in the more macro-context of the long-term change of the representative-regime from the 1980s to the 2000s. The acceptance of narrative shamanist songs in Hwang Sok-yong's works such as “Bari” is often thought to be a project of the 2000s. However, it dates back to the 1980s in fact. Hwang Seok-young's interest in narrative shamanist songs in the 1980s is closely related to the changes in the representative-regime that began in the 1980s, when the belief that the experience of others could be mediated by a single language and perspective of the narrator began to be questioned. There was a need for a new way to represent the experience of the other in accordance with the changing process of the representative-regime. In “Bari”, narrative spaces, which allows the experience of the other to be performed directly without mediation of narrator, can be created by structuring the narrative discourse by using shaman as narrative device. It can be regarded as an attempt to newly establish the place of the novel in crisis in the process of change of the representative-regime that has been continuing and deepening since the 1980s until now.

There are many cases where we do not agree with the common sense that we have in the situation where folk-tales are narrated in the storytelling-site. I think that in these places, I can find the significance of oral literature. Therefore, I try to solve this problem based on orality. From the point of view of dialogue, folk-tales have a rich and chaotic context. And folk-tales are the products of the process of participants' mediation of context. Therefore, the work of confirming how the participants adjust the situation through the folk-tales and implement the meaning through it has enough significance. There are two kinds of storytelling-site’s situations related to discourse. First, it is a case of making a realistic claim by positively using the situation created by the folk-tale narration. Second, it is the case that the appropriate story is called for a given situation. In both cases, there is a tendency to discourse through folk-tales. But this discourse does not depend on the textual meaning of the folk-tale. Since the situation can be freely connected with the various components of the text, the actual meaning may be a certain distance from the core content of the text. Thinking in oral culture is originally situation-oriented and empirical. Likewise, folk-tales are apt to construct contextual and empirical meanings in the context of life. The story including folk-tale is itself a representative example of the operational thinking of the oral culture. It also generalizes oral cultural thought by tying stories that share similar situations. These generalized discourses are characterized by communal wisdom. Public wisdom with abstract character is formulated through stories. And it is also connected with the situation of the dialogue, so that it can communicate with the actual context. However, from the standpoint of the storyteller individual, folk-tale narration is a process of searching for individual recognition within the framework of public wisdom, both internalization of public wisdom. What is important is that, by doing this, the public wisdom is conveyed in a sense more than text, thanks to the dynamics of the situation.

This article introduces the current status of Hong, Dae-yong's written conversation variants and divides it into three major groups. Which are 1. Hoeurok(會友錄) group variants, 2 Ganjeongpildam(乾淨筆譚) in Yeonhwi(燕彙), 3. Ganjeongpildam(乾淨衕筆談) in Damheonseo(湛軒書). This article focused on different characteristics between groups 2 Ganjeongpildam in Yeonhwi and 3. Ganjeongpildam in Damheonseo. A total of eight variants are currently available for Ganjeongpildam. It seems to have been circulated as a set together with Yeonhaengjapgi(燕行雜記). Ganjeongpildam is a solitary written conversation written for the purpose of publicizing to the unspecified number of people in Chosun. It provides the necessary beforehand information in preface of the written conversation, and it adds a lot of ephemeral writings with Hangzhou(杭州) scholars so that the process of deepening friendship for a short period of time is convincingly drawn. In addition, it revealed that Hong, Dae Yong limited the range of his dissemination to Chosun through passages expressing Ming Dynasty ruined country’s consciousness. Ganjeongdongpildam has more contents than Ganjeongpildam, This book can be said to be a treasure trove of written conversation, which Hong, Dae-yong tried to record as many stories as possible. Various artifacts and institutions of Chosun and Qing Dynasty were introduced throughout the written conversation, and characters with various nationalities and identities are appearing and their true aspects are well portrayed. In addition, Hong, Dae Yong affirmed the reign of Qing Dynasty and appreciated the real diplomatic relations with Chosun. In this way, there is a lot of interesting material in Ganjeongpildam, and it can be said that Ganjeongpildam is closer to that of Ganjeongdonghoeurok(乾淨衕會友錄), Ganjeongrok(乾淨錄) which is early variant of written conversation.

After analyzing the narrative of “A Poem Composed for Lady Sim, Jang Won-gyeong’s Wife” (Gosi wi Jang Won-gyeong Cheo Simssi Jak), an epic poem that Gim Ryeo (1766-1821) created on the basis of his experience of ten-year-long exile in Buryeong and Jinhae, the present study examines the characteristics of Squad Leader Jang (Jang Pachong), a supporting figure who is given as much weight in the work as is Sim Bang-ju, the heroine. Transmitted with the latter half missing, “A Poem Composed for Lady Sim” can be divided into six sections in terms of the narrative of the extant portion. As with the beginning of the ancient Chinese poem “A Peacock Flies to the Southeast” (Kongque Dongnan Fei) from the Han Dynasty (206 BC-220 AD), the first section is an introduction that uses the affective imagery (xing) technique presented in the ancient Chinese text Classic of Poetry (Shijing; 11c-7c BC) to imply the overall themes of the work. Introducing the characters from the perspective of the present and depicting the process through which a marriage between a member of the scholar-gentry (yangban) and an outcaste (cheonmin) is achieved successfully, the second to the fifth sections constitute the key portion where the narrative develops in earnest. The sixth section, where Squad Leader Jang’s past is recollected, forms an internal story recounted from a past viewpoint. In particular, this section adopts a double frame structure where the plebeians describe their wretched lives in their own voices, which more vividly conveys both Squad Leader Jang’s life of hardships and the toilsome daily lives of the populace at the time. In addition, also noteworthy is the fact that the author heightens the realism of the work by boldly incorporating into it Sino-Korean expressions such as jinji (“meal”), palja (“fate”) na’euri (or jinsa; “lord”), and satto (or sado; “magistrate”) and Korean place names such as Gurigae (or Dongga), Yonggang, Yang’yang, and Naksan. Next, the present study seeks to examine Squad Leader Jang in terms of two aspects. First, Squad Leader Jang is unique from among characters in premodern Korean literary works in that he goes beyond social rank and class. A figure who transcends the barrier of rank and class, views outcastes as humans just like himself, a member of the scholar-gentry (sadaebu), accepts them, and treats them as equals, he is presented in the work in a persuasive and impressive manner. By thus clearly depicting Squad Leader Jang, the thematics of the poem is further strengthened. However, it is worth noting that, in seeking to conclude this work tragically, the author’s perception of reality reveals certain limitations. Next is the fact that Squad Leader Jang, while exhibiting the typical characteristics of a member of the scholar-gentry fallen on hard times, considerably reflects the life of Gim Ryeo himself. First, the setup that Squad Leader Jang, the son of a long-established family of distinction, becomes a wanderer in his youth due to misfortunes is similar to the fact that the author, a talented and promising student at the National Confucian Academy (Seonggyun’gwan), was suddenly exiled by the government due to the “groundless rumor incident” involving Gang Yi-cheon’s (1768-1801), a Roman Catholic. In addition, the setup in the poem that Squad Leader Jang catches and sells fish for a livelihood in his middle age while moving from one fishing village to another is related to the fact that Gim Ryeo himself engaged in fishing while lodging at the home of a local fisherman during his exile in Jinhae. Moreover, the author establishes Janggye, where his father Gim Jae-chil (1737-1799) served as a lesser prefect (hyeon’gam), as the village in which Bang-ju lives and includes in its entirety “The Red Gate Gorge” (Jeongmunhyeop), a classical Chinese poem in fourteen five-line stanzas, in the part where Squad Leader Jang moves from one fishing village to another. In other words, although the narrative structure of “A Poem Composed for Lady Sim” revolves around and focuses on Jang Hyeol-lyeong, a historical figure whom Gim Ryeo encountered during his exile in Buryeong, the poem can be seen as an epic that, while based on the actual words and deeds of this personage, portrays the author’s own life.

This thesis explores the literary form of the death of O Chan and the writings of the group of Danho who mourned him. O Chan criticized King Young-jo's tangpyeong policy. He exiled the distant area and died there. Yi Yunyeong, Yi In-sang, Yi Myunghwan, and Kim Jongsu wrote some texts of mourning for him, while they followed the general custom of the style, but at the same time, through this, they literally embodied O Chan as a Cheongryu, and in the process they filled the values of the ancient roads, old atmosphere, friendship that they usually aimed at. The death of O Chan was the death of Cheongryu branch. The political ideology of the group was frustrated. They mourned the death of their comrades as a work of high literacy, and at the same time literally shaped their political orientation.

This paper studies the musical contents of Daeakhubo Ssangwhajeom and Siyong-Hyangakbo Ssangwhagok through their scores. It first finds the two song's rhythm with the interpretation of ‘finding the standard beat’, and then it examines the musical contents and their musical relationship. The rhythm of Daeakhubo Ssangwhajeom was interpreted as 3/󰁜♩󰁜, three standard beats, two of which were divided by three and one of which was divided by two. Jangdan of Ssangwhajeom was the jangdan which added more touch points to that of Geumhapjabo Hyangak, and in which one touch point was played per divided beat. As in Geumhapjabo Hyangak, the time-value of one jeonggan was interpreted as one divided beat. Repeated tones and higher or lower tones between the same tones were used in the melody, and syncopation was used in the song. The music consisted of three sections, each of which was repeated, but was reduced gradually. The rhythm of Siyong-Hyangakbo Ssangwhagok was interpreted as 4/♩, four standard beats, each of which was divided by two. Its jangdan was a typical jangdan of Goryeo Hyangak, one touch point of which was played per standard beat. The music form was the same as that of Ssangwhajeom, but repeated tones and higher or lower tones between the same tones were not found at all. Like other Chinese lyric song, one Chinese character was sung per standard beat. It seems that the Ssangwhajeom from which Siyong-Hyangakbo Ssangwhagok was arranged is not Daeakhubo Ssangwhajeom, but the original Ssangwhajeom prior to it. The rhythm of the original Ssangwhajeom would be 4/󰁜, four standard beats, each of which was divided by three. It could be said that there was the original Ssangwhajeom with 4/󰁜 rhythm which was transmitted from Goryeo dynasty, and in the early Joson period Ssangwhagok with Chinese lyric and 4/♩ rhythm was arranged from the original Ssangwhajeom. And the rhythm of the original Ssangwhajeom was expanded in the period of Geumhapjabo, and this Ssangwhajeom with the expanded 3/󰁜♩󰁜 rhythm was written in Daeakhubo.

Focusing on discourses regarding ‘making friends’ and ‘communication with others’ reflected on Korean folktales handed down in literature and orally, this paper critically examined the folktale literary imagination and the traditional cultural consciousness about ‘making friends.’ Friendship in traditional society was created and encouraged in groups belonging to the same social status classes or factions in most cases, and the friendship pursued by the group members mainly aimed at the values ​​and interests of the groups to which they belonged. The discourses on ‘making friends’ required the ethics of care as a condition to prove true friendship. The friendly relations between classical scholars belonging to the same faction had strong bonds comparable to blood relationships to the extent that classical scholars did not dispute on their own interests but cooperated toward common goals, thereby forming successful symbiotic relationships to harvest and distribute common fruits. However, in the process of realizing the compassion for friends as such, social justice was damaged sometimes. However, in the bureaucratic society of intellectuals, social justice and compassion for friends were harmoniously coordinated sometimes as the ethics of care to undeceive friends was realized. Meanwhile, a story of an elderly man who forgives and helps a cattle thief and encourages him to regret his fault and live rightly, showed a moving story of making new friends by harmoniously coordinating care ethics and justice ethics. The family egoism and the exclusiveness to others that have been handed down traditionally are pointed out as serious obstacles in modern society that aims at credit society, righteous fair society, global culture, and multi-cultural society. While reviewing the moral imagination that appeared in the discourse on ‘making friends’ in terms of ‘the ethics of care’, this author illuminated the ethics of ‘horizontal communication’ required in modern society. For happy future, we should aim at the shape of ‘open friendship’ to ‘make new friends’ while seeking for peaceful coexistence with the others. In this sense, universal love for mankind can also be understood as friendship in a broad sense because it is horizontal love for beings of equal value to oneself. Ecological thinking is also serious enlightenment to realize a universal friendship aimed at coexistence with all living things on the earth.

This paper aims to explore the genre distance between the Jeon(傳; biography) and the Yadam(野談; unofficial story) by contrasting two different stories that deal with the same material. One is ‘Seolsaeng jeon’, written by Oh-Doil(吳道一: 1645∼1703) and another is ‘A tale of Seolsaeng’ written by Shin-Donbok(辛敦複: 1692～1779). Both works share a common protagonist, Seolsaeng, a hermit, and also very similar storylines. ‘Seolsaeng jeon’ is generally consistent with the traditional format of Jeon, as it is composed of both story and comment parts. However, on close inspection, ‘Seolsaeng jeon’ can be seen to incorporate the writing styles of Yadam and also Yuki(遊記: journal of a travel), thus demonstrating some modifications and combination of genre. Of course, this genre movement is closely related to its theme of the text. As the author’s conflict between the public service and retirement(出處), or eminence and seclusion(隱顯 ), is a main theme of this work, he chooses the Jeon as a main genre to lead the narrative. Other genres are introduced in order to reflect the writer’s frustration and fear in the sensitive political situation. ‘A tale of Seolsaeng’, on the other hand, is stylistically close to the Jeon genre, even though it is an example of Yadam, since the motive for the writing is very similar to typical Jeon. However, the theme of ‘A tale of Seolsaeng’ is totally different from the main subject of ‘Seolsaeng jeon’: it focuses on the earthly desire and mysticism, not the conflict between seclusion and eminence. It deliberately erases the main theme of ‘Seolsaeng jeon’ and switches it into an unconventional theme. By analyzing theses two different works, this paper concludes that although active genre movement can be seen in the late Chosŏn dynasty, the essential function of the works have been maintained. The two different works are the representative examples which can demonstrate the Jeon and the Yadam’s typical thematic features, despite the format of the texts having been modified.

『Unyeonguaanrok』 is the first discovered manuscript Yeonhaengrok which consists of one volume. The auther Sim Eungji’s ja(字) is Myeonghag(鳴鶴) and ho(號) is Mugso(默所)․Dongdaelocho(東臺老樵). There described “Old Mugso wrote this.” at the bottom of the first page of the body. Through the 『Yeonsarok(燕槎錄)』 of Park Yeongwon(朴永元)’s Chi’ing Travel poetry, it could be confirmed that Mugso was Sim Eungji’s ho. Sim went to Chi’ing in 1846 with following Sim Huisun(沈熙淳), the secretary of the diplomatic mission. He was an insignificant literary writer who lived in Yagsan(藥山), Gimpo(金浦), Gyeonggi Province. It is said that he had a collection of literary works, but it is now in lost. 『Unyeonguaanrok』 is his only work. His friends were Sim Neungsug(沈能淑), Sim Huisun, Sim Yitaeg(沈履澤), and Park Seongseong(朴善性). 『Unyeonguaanrok』 is miscellany records of direct information and personal appearances in the order of travel, with a total of 156 items. It is not a diary, but rather a form of short sentences, which is described briefly without any small title. The most notable items are records related to the welfare of the Chi’ing dynasty such as carts, bricks, farming tools, and various cultures of Chi’ing dynasty such as castles, houses, and apparel system, and the friendship with Yang Shangwen(楊尙文), Yang Shangzhi(楊尙志), Li Jun(李鈞), Shen Henghui(沈亨惠), Zhang Mu(張穆), Fung Zhiyi(馮志沂), Zhao ZhenJha(趙振祚), and the information on the UK and opium etc. The literary expression describing the Liaodong desert(遼東廣野) and a careful examination of the Hoihua tree[槐] are also drawing attention. This book refer to various books published before, such as 『Jungbongjib(重峰集)』, 『Baegsajib(白沙集)』, 『Dongsarok(東槎錄)』 and especially on 『Yeolhayilgi(熱河日記)』. It deserved to be considered a brief and reliable historical portfolio to Chi’ing. It was enough to be judged a fine yeonhaengrok of 19th century.