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“Eight Views of Xiao-Xiang(瀟湘八景)” series of paintings was originally created by the Chinese painter Song Di in Song dynasty(11th century). According to Shen Kuo's Mengxi Bitan, the titles of its scenes are: Geese Descending to Level Sand, Sails Returning from a Distant Shore, Mountain Market, Clearing Mist, River and Sky, Evening Snow, Autumn Moon over Dongting, Night Rain on Xiao-Xiang, Evening Bell from a Mist-Shrouded Temple, and Fishing Village in the Evening Glow. The images were then transmitted to Korea and Japan in the Southern Song, remaining extremely important in the literature and art of China, Japan and Korea from the 12th to the 19th century. This paper investigates Korean poems and folk paintings(민화) in Joseon (Chosun) Dynasty(1392-1910) form the aspect of text and image studies. Prince Anpyeong and the literati's gathering in 1442 is an important example of aesthetics consciousness about “Eight Views of Xiao-Xiang”. the Korean folk painters adopted the literati's ideology, their articles are full of secular taste, treat “Eight Views of Xiao-Xiang” as wonderland image.

In this article, I will examine the relationship between Uisang (義相, 625～702) and Kyunyeo(均如, 923～973) through their ideas and literature. Directly referred to as “Beopseongge” (法性偈, The Song of Dharma Nature), also known as “Hwaeomilseung Beopgyedo” (華嚴一乘法界圖, Dharma-realm of the One-vehicle of the Huanyan), Gatha of Uisang and “Bohyeon Sipwonga” (普賢十願歌, Songs of the ten vows or aspirations of Bodhisattva Samantabhadra) of Kyunyeo. This is to restore the tradition of religious poetry that was the beginning and the end of Silla Hyangga, the 7th and 10th centuries. Beopseongge is aiming relativism throughout his works. Through the endless chain of interpenetration of things, Uisang sought to transcend all distinctions such as one and the whole, space and time, Buddha and regeneration, enlightenment and foolishness. This was an important factor for Kyunyeo in Bohyeon Sipwonga. And he went one step further to include whitespace not covered by Uisang. Uisang and Kyunyeo compressed “Hwaeomgyeong”(華嚴經, Avatamsaka Sutra) for almost the same purpose of making relativism widely known, and re-created it. This allowed Hwaeomgyeong to be made known to more readers and her literary works to be legacy.

Lee An-jung’s Gajeonche literature Anjebongi is a work of personification of a goose as emperor. There are two main characteristics of this work. The first is that this work adopts various Chinese vocabulary and references related to geese abundantly. The second is that this work especially utilizes the characters and the story of Hangwoo-Bongi. We can find Detailed contents related to the creation and the recitation of Anjebongi in Heumyeong of Yu Man-ju. According to the records of this book, Lee An-jung recited Anjebongi two times at the house of Yu Man-ju in 1786 and the mood was similar to that of read-aloud of the novels in Korean. This means that the amusing personality is more prominent than the ideological personality that emphasizes the theme. In the tradition of Gajeonche literature Anjebongi has some relation with Hwawang-Bongi of Jo Gu-myeong and has a narrative through the factors such as the quantity of works, the setting of characters, and the development of events.

The Korean emissaries who had been to Japan positively evaluated that the Japanese had worked with diligence and obeyed their superiors readily. The Korean emissaries saw that there was a characteristic moral consciousness peculiar to the Japanese behind their code of conduct. This paper investigates how the Korean emissaries had understood the Japanese moral consciousness. Firstly, this paper confirms that Korean emissaries had recognized that Oryun peculiar scarcely existed in Japan. Next the paper points out that the Korean emissaries had highly praised the Japanese sense of hierarchical relationship, their moral consciousness and their law-abiding spirit. Finally this paper investigates how Korean emissaries had understood the Japanese moral standard which had been formed through the experience of war, by focusing on the fact that they had connected the Japanese moral consciousness with the army discipline.

In the literature textbook Korean traditional fictions are usually in the area of ‘The range and history of Korean literature’. There are not so many Korean traditional fictions in textbooks, but also the kind of thing is biased. As the result, Korean traditional fictions tend to be recognized only as products of the past. Moreover, students do not have much interest in traditional fictions in the textbooks. However, it is not the only thing students are bored with. Students have a negative reaction to the literature in their textbooks, too. This crisis of literary stems fundamentally from the narrow sense of literature based on modern Western literature. Therefore, to solve the problem, it is necessary to expand the scope of literature to culture, and in the same context traditional fictions should be re-understood as a popular novel of the time, not a classic. In order to educate traditional fictions in the cultural context, we can consider ways to organize textbooks by subject. Students will be able to better understand the genre of each text and the media characteristics that make up the text, as they looking at various kinds of texts on important social topics of today together. Furthermore, through that way integrated education for a new era will be possible.

This paper reconsiders of the characteristics of "Gujiga", a well known ancient song. "Gujiga" has been regarded as a spell or a labor song. It contains wishes and resulted in a magical phenomenon in fact, so it was considered as a spell. On the other hand, it was associated with labor songs because of the phrase, "gulbongjeongchwalto" in it. Based on the existing interpretations, scholars interpreted the phrase as "to dig in the ground on the top of the mountain" or "to dig in the top of the mountain and to pile the soil". The act of digging in the ground or piling the soil got associated with work fields, so "Gujiga" could be regarded as a labor song. However, This paper made clear that "chwalto" is not to heap the earth in a big scale but to pile a handful of soil as a substitution of an incense burner, having no relationship with something to be called a labor. To prove this, I consulted various Chinese literature and investigated the idiomatic usage of "chwalto"(to pile a handful of soil), which was associated with "bunhyang"(to burn incense) and "giwon"(to pray), which exactly corresponds with the context of "Gujiga". Thus I conclude that "gulbongjeongchwalto" is not an evidence that proves "Gujiga" is a labor song but a motif associated with a spell.

The present study sheds new light on the author of “Song of the Mother of a Burned Boy at the Flower Festival”(덴동어미화전가, Dendong Eomi Hwajeon’ga), which hitherto has been vaguely considered a work penned by a woman. The poem is included in a book titled Record of the Great View of Mt. Sobaek(小白山大觀錄, Sobaeksan Daegwallok), which in turn consists of a total of four texts. From these texts, “Record of the Great View of Mt. Sobaek”and “Poetic Exposition on Seokchang”(賦石窓, Bu-Seokchang) are written in classical Chinese (Sino-Korean) while “This is a Korean translation of ‘Record of the Great View of Mt. Sobaek(소백산대관록언해라, Sobaeksan Daegwallok Eonhae-ra)’” and “Song of the Mother of a Burned Boy at the Flower Festival”are written in Han’geul(Korean alphabet). Because “This is a Korean translation of ‘Record of the Great View of Mt. Sobaek’”is not simply a Korean translation of “Record of the Great View of Mt. Sobaek”, but further elaborates the latter work in content and is a gasa(歌辭, narrative song) in terms of the genre, it should be renamed “Song of the Great View of Mt. Sobaek(소백산대관가, Sobaeksan Daegwan’ga)”. The present study demonstrates through detailed analysis of the works that both the “Record of the Great View of Mt. Sobaek”and “Poetic Exposition on Seokchang”were written by the same author and both the “Song of the Great View of Mt. Sobaek”and “Song of the Mother of a Burned Boy at the Flower Festival”were written by the same author. And demonstrates all four texts were written by the same author. The present study demonstrates that the author, whose penname was “Seokchang”and resided in what is now Nong’am Hamlet(農巖村), Jwaseok Village(坐石里), Dansan Township(丹山面), City of Yeongju(榮州市), was a male from the old rural aristocratic class. He styled himself as a subject of a nation fallen to Japanese colonial rule(1910-1945), where he distanced himself from the world and lived in seclusion in the mountains.

The purpose of this article is to review the creative motivation through the preface of Dongmyeongwangpyeon[The Epic about King Dongmyeong of Goguryeo] and reveal the distinct features of description system and characters. The most important mention in the preface is that the story of King Dongmyeong was not a nonsense but a historical fact that realized the mandate from heaven. This is a clue to the fact that the creative motivation of Dongmyeongwangpyeon is to represent the sanctity of King Dongmyeong more effectively. Divinity, evil spirits and illusions all are events that can not be understood by human knowledge, but divine events are (1)historical facts made by the mandate from heaven, (2)things done under the purpose of the benefit of the whole world. Li Gyubo seems to have created his own description and expression system of Dongmyeongwangpyeon by modifying the contents of Old History of Three Kingdoms in order to effectively grant such sanctity to King Dongmyeong. The preface of Dongmyeongwangpyeon is composed of the story of ancient Chinese Emperors, who received the Heavenly Order. In the last part, the events taken place by two emperors of Han dynasty are mentioned. In the main chapter, the actions of Haemosu and Jumong, which are similar to those of Chinese saints, are specifically embodied in detail. The description system like this is the result of the intention to prove that the act of King Dongmyeong was actual historical fact and sacred act based on the Heavenly Order by citing or associating the sacred case of China recognized as history. In Dongmyeongwangpyeon, (1)Haemosu is described as the recipient of the mandate from heaven, (2)the story of him has as much detail as Jumong’s, (3)Yuhwa is described as sacred mother, and (4)Yuri’s story is introduced to the minimum. As a result, it has the narrative structure that the Haemosu’s actions for inheritance and Jumong's founding a new country through the help of Yuhwa is logically connected, thus creating the effect of justifying the sacredness of the establishment of Goguryeo.

This article contrasts a narrative presented in the Biography of Yu Yŏn (hereafter the Biography) written by Yi Hangpok(1556～1618) with an argument of Yisaeng songwŏllok written by Kwŏn Tŭkki(1570～1622). The two texts draw two incompatible claims about who made a false accusation against an innocent man Yu Yŏn. This paper asks how and why Yi’s narrative, not Kwŏn’s argument, dominated the subsequent generations’ perception of the trial by investigating elite discourses produced in the later seventeenth and eighteenth century. The biography tells the story of Yu Yŏn, a man who was accused of killing his brother, was sentenced to death, and was executed. The narrative of the biography spots Yu’s brother-in-law Yi Ji as a man who engineered the false accusation and Yu’s death. In contrast, the Yisaeng songwŏllok raises diametrically opposite claim on the person who responsible for Yu’s death. Authors of the later generation who mentions the case display a wide range of views: one does not ask who is responsible for Yu’s death, one has no interest in determining the villain of the case. However, since the second half of the seventeenth century, most of the authors who remark Yu Yŏn’s case express similar ways of understanding the event: they acquiesce Yi’s perception on the case, wittingly or unwittingly. This survey shows that the Yi’s view on the case which dominated the perception of the later generation, including modern researchers, and that Yi's story became established as a collective memory after surviving a long process of contesting, forgetting, and reduction.

In the late 18th century’s Joseon Dynasty, the story of the Sword Masters in ordinary people was accepted by literati and settled as the narrative of the Sword Masters. According to the contents of these narratives, their characters could be categorized as an old monk, young people, a general, and a swordswoman. There are two types of narrative forms that distinguish other short stories are ‘showing swordsmanship’ and 'fighting by swords’. These narratives’ presuppositions are based on swordsmanship carried by the master of swords. The major conflicts of these narratives are spread through the sequences and repetitions of vengeance. These narratives can be called the stories of swordsmanship and revenge. Conclusionally the reason why the late 18th century’s the narrative of sword masters could be popular can be understood by associating it with the social atmosphere of the time and governance of Jungjo.

This paper aims to explore the possibility of modernization of Chinese literature through poetry related to the palace, which is a result of combining classical Chinese literature with high-end culture. Among the four palaces[Gyeongbokgung(景福宮), Changdeokgung(昌德宮), Changg yeonggung(昌慶宮), Deoksugung(德壽宮)] of Chosun, the Changgyeonggung has the least number of visitors. So I analyzed the poetry of Changgyeonggung Palace. Changgyeonggung has a place identity called 'Space for filial piety(孝)' and 'A palace where various stories live'. In this paper, I explored the new cultural identity of Changgyeonggung. The results are as follow. The distinctive characteristic that Changgyeonggung is distinguished from other palaces is that first, it is a palace of frank size. Second, it is a space where the prince studies the prince's discipline before he succeeds the throne. Third, The landmark in Changgyeonggung can be restored first by linking it with other natural scenery themes, for example, Hwanchijeong(環翠亭). The cultural identity of Changgyeonggung is complemented with the touristic and cultural contents of Changgyeonggung such as strengthening the education of the commentator, developing a detailed tour course, preparing an experience course in which the father and the child participate together, as exhibits linked with cultural properties and possibility of restoration through Augmented Reality(AR).