KJC Korea
Journal Central

Cheonguagudemengi, the deities of Najugiminchang-josangbonpuri and Tosanyodret-Dangbonpuri, which represent Jeju Island's snake faith, is not a straightforward snake itself, but is close to a dragon Deity. This article unravels the reason by examining the origin of the two faiths in connection with the Dragon faith in the Naju-mok area. The process of revealing the reality and full picture of the Dragon faith involved in the formation of each faith compared historical, folk, and literary materials related to this based on the space described in Bonpuri and the unique attributes of Deity. First of all, Najugiminchang-josangbonpuri and related beliefs prioritized the explanation of the characteristics of the deity, which are ancestral gods and have the appearance of you and the god of sea. Jechang-Village in Anchang-dong, where Naju Jeminchang was established, has been a place where the faith of the dragon Deity, centered on Ang-am and Yongjindan, has been highly revered since the Goryeo Dynasty. This traditional and indigenous Dragon faith was derived and differentiated faithfully in relation to JeMin-chang, Gwan-chang, water transport, and trade in future generations, and served as the origin of Najugiminchang-josangbonpuri and related faith. In addition, the sea god festival, which was held when ships carrying Ijingok to Jeju entered and departed, also served as the basis for formation, leaving Bonpuri as a trace in the narrative. Tosanyodret-Dangbonpuri and related beliefs revealed the religious origin of dragonthrough an explanation of the transformation of God, that is, the correlation between Cheongu- Agu-demeng-i and baduk stone. It found clues in the special first half of the story, the story of Dae-mang contained in Eouyadam, the anecdote of Shin Sook-ju, and the folk belief of Geum-an-Village. Tosanyodret-Dangbonpuri are related to the long-cherished desire to become a dragon due to your greed for cintamani, and at the same time, you have a marine attribute that presides over the wind and clouds. As a result of examining the connection between Shin Sook-ju and Naju's indigenous forces and the relationship between the folk faith and the dragon faith in Geumseongsan Mountain in Naju, This suggests that the belief in Geumseongsan Mountain in Naju was already achieved in the form of a combination of dragon and snake faith at that time. Based on the indigenous and traditional Dragon faith in Naju-mok area, the two beliefs are homogeneous in that they have been introduced into the shamanic system of Jeju Island, linked to problems such as Gwanchang(官倉), water transport, Trade, and a sea route etc, according to religious and historical exchanges with Jeju people and gradually completed their appearance as faith. Therefore, it cannot be concluded that the two faiths were derived from the House Spirit Belief or snake faith from the beginning. Rather, after the dragon faith, which is the origin, flowed into Jeju Island, and combined with the existing indigenous snake faith or the snake faith of the natives, there is a lot of room for a more colorful and complex faith system and main pool.

In Buddhism, the snake is a symbol of samsara and karma, and it is a animal that is mainly reincarnated by humans who have accumulated a lot of bad karma in a previous life. Accordingly, the tale of a disciplinant Buddhist monk died and became a Lovesick snake may be a Buddhist karma tales to be wary of the Buddhist monk building bad karma with his sexual desire. As the tale of the Buddhism Lovesick snake, the Buddhist monk is a main character, spreads to the people and the range of characters expands, it is possible to create a Lovesick snake tales which the main character is an ordinary person who is not related to Buddhism. The created Lovesick snake tales in this way can also contribute to the mission work of Buddhism. This is described in detail as follows. First, the Lovesick snake tales may have been created and utilized to inspire the Buddhist monks to be wary of violating the precept. The Lovesick snake tales make Buddhist monks understand the samsara so that they don’t build bad karma with their sexual desire, can help the Buddhist monks devote themselves to asceticism that they develop Buddhist doctrines for building good karma. Second, the Lovesick snake tales may have been created and utilized to facilitate mission work easily of funny for the public to understand the creed and thought of Buddhism. The Buddhist monks can easily propagate the Buddhist karma thought and samsara thought, which is difficult for the public to understand, through the tales of becoming a Lovesick snake by bad karma, sexual desire. Also, the Lovesick snake tales may have been used to get the public interested in Buddhism by interesting and amazing tales. Third, the Lovesick snake tales may have been created and utilized to secure the social status of Buddhism by enhancing the miracle of Buddha through amazing tales, and through this, to secure the believers. The Buddhist monks narrated the Cheongpyeongsa Temple legend and solve the impossible eradication of Lovesick snake through the Buddha’s miracle, so it can be propagated that, like the princess’s act of Buddhist merit, if the public believes in Buddhism and accumulates Buddhist merit, prayers will be solved. As mentioned above, the Lovesick snake is a being which is reincarnated by building bad karma to sexual desire of five desire of Buddhism, and for this reason, the Lovesick snake tales can be seen as a Karma Tales of Buddhism.

This paper studies the form and characteristics of the Dangun Myth in Joseon legendry written in Japanese in Modern era. This paper discovered that a total of 13 Japanese Jo Joseon legendry texts containing the Dangun myth were published between 1891 and 1943. These 13 texts can be largely divided into two types depending on whether they include a description of Dangun discourse. First, Dangun myths which do not refer to Dangun discourse can be divided into the two sub types. One type summarizes the Dangun myths in Dongguktonggam, or Samgukyusa and the other type are adaptations of the Dangun myth in Samgukyusa. First, the Dongguktonggam record of the Dangun myth was composed in 1891. It is indicated that the Japanese people recognized Dangun as the historical origin of Korea. Another text composed in 1908 confuses Jumong and Dangun. Second, in the case of the adaptation of the myth of Samgukyusa, the narratives focused on the transformation of bear and tiger and the marriage of the bear and Hwanung, and this trend continued from 1919 to 1943. This shows that the storytellers were not interested in Dangun's birth or the founding of Gojoseon, and the Dangun myth was no longer considered sacred. The national myth was transmitted and enjoyed only as a folktale. Next, the myth in which Dangun discourse is described can be divided into those that emphasize the theory of Japan and Korea’s ancestral homogeneity and those that claim that Dangun myth was fabricated. In both cases, the Dangun myths of Dongguktonggam or Samgukyusa were fully reprinted. Meanwhile the texts arguing that the Dangun myths were fabricated followed the arguments that had been put forward by contemporary Japanese scholars.

This thesis is written to reconstruct Kim Sang-heon's life in seclusion in Pungsan, and to examine the aspects of nature perception and Tao-oriented consciousness expressed in his Unlimcheosaga in Haedongyuyo. Having spent a period of chaos in which political party strife and war continued, he lived a moral life that valued loyalty and incisiveness. From the beginning of his official duties, he was politically opposed to the ruling forces, including King Gwanghae-gun, and in 1618, he went down to Pungsan to live there to avoid social turmoil and persecution of the ruling forces. He was able to forget the troubles of the world while admiring the beautiful natural scenery around Samgwijeong in Pungsan, so this place is meaningful as a space for seclusion. Not only that, this place was also a place where you could get mental comfort as a place of taste for the arts to socialize with your acquaintances. His Unlimcheosaga is about the life of a scholar who lived in nature in disappointment with the reality of the time during the reign of King Gwanghae-gun. It embodies the aspect of escaping from the troubles of the world through enjoying the natural scenery and the attitude of living to conform to fate. In addition, by denying the politically and socially chaotic reality of the time, the beautiful scenery around the Samguijeong is set as a space of surrogate satisfaction called 'the world of Taoist hermit with miraculous powers', and in reality, as if a lonely self became a Taoist hermit with miraculous powers, enjoy the beautiful scenery and give them rest and comfort.

This article was written to formally report on Haksa Kim Eung-jo's Yeonsijo HaksaSamgok to academia. Through the introduction in his Haksajip, collection of literary works, it was presumed that the Sijo he created existed, but the work was not found, so further discussion was not conducted. Recently, he was able to newly confirm his Yeonsijo Haksa Samgok in the materials that his descendants donated to the The Korean Studies Institute. As a result of examining his family and life, Kim Eung-jo was one of the representatives of Yeongnam in the first half of the 17th century. He was active as a politician and scholar. Through the records left by his friend and son, it was confirmed that HaksaSamgok was created in 1642, when Kim Eung-jo was 56 years old. As a result of analyzing the Yeonsijo HaksaSamgok in relation to the HaksaSamgok seo, the HaksaSamgok is based on the themes of study, loyalty, and patriotism, which were the core of the identity of the nobles in the Joseon Dynasty. It could be seen that each subject was arranged according to the life cycle. Through the discovery of the new Yeonsijo HaksaSamgok, it will be possible to explain the literary history of the Sijo in a more colorful way.

This study examines the narrative description and themes of Manwha-Chunhyangga, which Yoo Jin-han, 18th-century local aristocrats recreated Chunhyangga into classical Chinese long poem. In Manwha-Chunhyangga which the narrator describes from various perspectives, there are many scenes described from perspective and voice of young Master Yi, the hero. Describing from the perspective of Yi, the voice of the narrator is transferred to Yi's voice which is often mixed with the voice of the narrator. In some parts described with Yi's voice, the presence of the narrator is greatly weakened as Yi's first-person narrative. In the scene Yi call Chunhyang "you", Chunhyang's voice not heard, as he say in an aside or monologue. I estimated that this narrative description might be influenced by Pansori and Romance of the Western Chamber's inserted song. The reason why Yi's point of view and voice dominate in Manwha-Chunhyangga is that Yoo Jin-han appropriated Chunhyangga as a "story of young master Yi " It is also related to this point that the afterwards story had been expanded. In other words, the narrative description and expansion of afterwards story appear to be the result of Yoo Jin-han's projection of expectation for love on this text. The author's interest in love stories is also expressed when he refuted criticism of "Female monk's song" in the verse of Manwha-Chunhyangga" . I conclude that Yoo Jin-han imagined a happy life with his beloved woman through this work.

This study examined children’s attachment and growth process depicted in Korean full-length novels and explored its significance both inside and outside the work. With a focus on children aged under 15, the full-length novels Eomsihyomuncheongrok, Yuhyogongseonhaengrok, and Boeungiurok were studied—in these, children’s lives have been described relatively in detail and the problematic phases of growing up unfold in earnest. In Eomsihyomuncheongrok, amid a succession struggle, Eomyoung experiences serious internal and external conflicts due to his biological mother who tries to make him the heir by harming Eomchang, who is older but adopted. Eomyoung does not cooperate in his mother’s scheme and actively helps Eomchang, seeking brotherhood and peace in his family; this is because of Eomyoung’s strong attachment with Eomchang since infancy. Yuhyogongseonhaengrok and Boeungiurok depict the life of a child facing abuse at home. Yuyeon’s narrative in Yuhyogongseonhaengrok is particularly problematic—he is severely abused by his father from childhood and develops physical and mental problems; what is worse is that he ends up passing on this unstable attachment to his own son. Wiyeoncheong in Boeungiurok is also severely abused by his father. However, he overcomes his trauma and grows up into a stable and strong individual. As such, the reason that these two characters, despite suffering similar abuse, grow up to have different attitudes in life seems to be related to their different attachment experience during childhood. Wiyeoncheong who forms a stable attachment during childhood and experiences positive interactions grows up to be mentally healthy; it is his inner strength, which continues to develop, that helps him endure the abuse. The children’s narratives in these three stories show that attachment is crucial for a child to grow up healthy and mature, and that the main figure with whom a child can form a positive attachment is not limited to the parents. The Joseon Dynasty’s literature record shows that various members of upper-class families participated in childrearing—this raises a question about the traditional image of mothers and makes us reconsider the conventional wisdom that continues to overemphasize the mother and her role. Meanwhile, it is assumed that the existence of various members within the extended family played an important role in alleviating children’s vulnerability in the Joseon Dynasty’s patriarchal family structure, where the head of the family held his family’s right to life or death. The stronger the vertical order, the safer and healthier children can grow when various relationships are formed for emotional communication and building of close bonds, and this is well illustrated in Korean full-length novels.

This article attempted to shed light on why Park Yup's story took on a unique aspect in the later unofficial historical tales, following the previous study that Park, a close aide to Gwanghaegun who was executed shortly after King Injo's coup, is transforming from a corrupt official to a positive figure. To this end, Park's anecdotes in the late 18th and 19th centuries were classified into seven types, some of which pointed out that they seem to bring partial motifs from the stories of Yoo Mong-in, Park's contemporaries and other official history. However, the fact that Park's image is changing in anecdotes in the late 18th and 19th centuries itself cannot explain why this change occurred. In this article, based on the fact that Park served as a governor of Pyongan-do for a long time, he identified anecdotes that seemed to be the prototype of later stories through records in the Pyongyang gazetteer and Pyongyang people Kim Jeom's Seokyeong Sihwa and Chilong Naengseol. The prophecy of killing the "Cheonin" that appears in later anecdotes is the name of the people responsible for Park's death, and Park misunderstood it as a prophecy to kill a thousand people, and Chilong Naengseol showed that Park was innocent because he misunderstood the prophecy. Park's tyranny in the Pyongan-do is the object of resentment to the local people who suffered from his tyranny, but paradoxically, it can be thought that the perception of Pyongan-do residents changed after Park's execution. It is also noteworthy that the local people unofficially built Park's shrine in the 18th century. According to Shim No-sung's Daeseongsan Shinmyogi(the record of mountain spirit shrine), Park's shrine is related to the fact that the resentful local people dismembered Park's body immediately after his execution and could not recover the body, and after a period of time, showed the guilt and compassion for Park's spirit. However, this cannot be seen as denying Park's tyranny. Park's shrine was a shrine to pray for good fortune, not the official governor's shrine. when Park became a mountain god, he gained the image of a guardian deity of Pyongan-do, and later gained the image of an warrior figure with mysterious abilities in a fictional narrative. The direct reason why Park turned into an unrealistic and mysterious figure in later anecdotes can be seen as the result of the local people of Pyongan-do remembering Park's brutal execution and his body being damaged, and looking at him anew with guilt and compassion.

The cases of Kim Ryeong in Chaesaenggiwoo and Ryu Soon Jeong in Jangsugwajeon controlling the fallen upper class at their own will through extraordinary brains and step-by-step persuasion strategies show that decency and ethics, which were emphasized in the Middle Ages, no longer have their power and that rationality and persuasiveness have emerged as the abilities necessary for survival in the new era. In the case of Kim Ryeong, he works secretly for the safety of his daughter, and in the case of Ryu Soon Jeong, he puts the public power on his side to involve many people to cooperate in the scheme. In an era of changes, they play their role as critics of those who stubbornly adhere to the old norms or pursue their desires irrationally as well as being described as new types of people transcending the norms of good or bad and heaven adapted to the changing era of capital and desire. By comparing the two works, a common theme that appears in both can be found. At that time, the class system was shaken, and modern capital and desire overturned decency and ethical norms of the Middle Ages. In this changing era, artist Lee Hyun Gi emphasizes the balance between desire and reason through several typical figures and insists on reciprocal human relationship that transcends norms and institutions.

In the late 18th century, Seoul's intellectual Yu Man-ju(1755～1788) started writing his diary Heumyeong on January 1st, 1775. After keeping a diary for 12 years, he was shocked by the death of his eldest son in May 1787 and stopped writing the diary. He promised himself that he would write more diaries in memory of his son during the seven months defined as a period of mourning for his deceased son, after which he would quit completely. As promised, on December 14, 1787, he wrote the ambiguous sentence: "Take control of the drawing of the moon and stop it, and let the red snowflakes of your heart cease", and thus ended the diary. In this paper, I tried to read the meaning of this last sentence by analyzing the 'Plaques of Garden' written on December 1st, 1787, just before he quit his diary. 'Plaques of Garden' is a list consisting of 21 categories of buildings, landscaping facilities and natural environments, and 213 names of individual items in each category. These names constitute a space called 'The Ideal Land of Imhwa'. This list, which converges the landscapes and places that Yu Man-ju loved and dreamed of, succeeded and settled the utopia project called 'The Ideal Land of Imhwa', which he has continuously attempted since 1775. Also, this list is a mental picture and a kind of self-narrative depicting the self of Yu Man-ju, who was an aesthetic dreamer and on the way to becoming novelist. On the other hand, while writing a diary for his son's mourning, Yu Man-ju, who deviated from writing focused on his own aesthetic taste, felt deeply guilty and ashamed of himself. So, he wrote the last sentence with the intention that he would no longer indulge in dreams and beauty and write decorative articles. I think that the ‘moon drawing’ refers to the landscape drawn by his dream, and the ‘red snowflake of the heart’ refers to the act of adorning a beautiful imaginary world. In the end, the last sentence of Yu Man-ju's diary was a denial of his aesthetic taste and lifelong dream that he had kept until the end. This statement is problematic in that it implies serious self-denial. Through this last sentence, it can be seen that Yu Man-ju no longer allows himself to write and live. This coincides with the death of Yu Man-ju on January 29, 1788, less than a month after the diary ended.