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pISSN : 1976-8117 / eISSN : 2671-678X

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2019, Vol.12, No.1

  • 1.

    Following Jesus and Stereotyping Islam

    Kaemink, Mattew | 2019, 12(1) | pp.7~27 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract
    In the past 50 years millions of Muslims have migrated into the West igniting a wide range of political, cultural, and ethical debates. Muslim immigrants are routinely "framed" by Westerners as a problem to be solved or a challenge to be overcome. Right-wing nationalists tend to frame Muslim immigrants as a threat to Western security, culture, and religion. Left-wing multiculturalists tend to frame Muslim immigrants as helpless or misguided in needed of education, empowerment, and enlightenment. This article provides a alternative Christ-centered framework for thinking about Muslim immigrants. It is argued that, through this Christological frame, Muslim immigrants can be welcomed into a relationship that escapes the political dead ends of the right and the left.
  • 2.

    Globalisation, (ethno)nationalism and multiple Islamisation: Forces swirling amongst Malaysia’s Malay Muslims and its implications

    John, Cheong | 2019, 12(1) | pp.29~66 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract
    Malaysia’s reputation as a moderate Muslim country has suffered due to Muslim tensions within its ummah, between the government and also Malaysia’s civil societies since the emergence of new actors such as ABIM, Darul Arqam, neo-Sufis and neo-Salafis from the 1970s to the present. Their independent growth from the UMNO-state led Islamisation programmes resulted from globalisation dynamics such as transnational connections, foreign funding and teachers, which played key roles by introducing new Islamic understandings, discourses and practices of Islam into Malaysia. This article examines how these forces formed and grew locally, their tensions within the ummah and the state, and their resulting enlarged or enfeebled presence. Implications for Christian-Muslim relations are discussed in the final section.
  • 3.

    The Political Understanding of the Sunni-Shia Conflict

    Seo, Dong Chan | 2019, 12(1) | pp.67~118 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract
    The Sunni-Shia conflict can be defined a modern phenomenon in the history of Islam. History is an interpreted fact, so an interpretation of the past is based on projecting the present into the history. The Sunni-Shia conflict is causing especially fatal consequences now in Syria and Yemen, leading to numerous deaths and refugees. Saudi Arabia and Iran, the two leading leaders of Sunni-Shia, are driving Syria and Yemen into the flames of their proxy war. Thus, in other words, sectarian conflict is more destructive in the context of political conflict than in religious contexts. Islam was mainly Sunni from the beginning, and Shia was not as strong as it was to be an axis of conflict. Although the political forces that tried to overthrow the Sunni Muslim dynasties used Shi'ite ideology for the successful founding of the new Muslim kingdoms such as Fatimid Caliphate (909–1171 CE),Buyid dynasty (934–1062 CE),Safavid dynasty (1501–1736 CE),the emergence of these dynasties should be seen as a politically interpreted and activated sectarian movement rather than as the result of the Shi'a sectarian movement. This study works for the analysis of the Sunni-Shia sectarian conflict. Saudi Arabia achieved national formation by combining the fundamentalist Sunni Islam of Wahhabism with the political power of the Saudi royal family. In contrast, the 1979 Islamic Revolution in Iran led by Khomeini emerged as the result of an anti-Western and anti-systematic movement, with Shia Islam at the forefront as a national ideology. In the 1970s, Saudi Arabia was able to become a regional power by securing huge oil money by weaponizing oil, and by spreading Wahhabism around the world, it hopes to expand the country's geopolitical interests to the entire Muslim world. Iran in the 1970s was in a state of backwardness due to the decadence of Western imperialism, the depraved monarchy and neighboring countries that had fallen into the claws of Western interests. To break this reality, Iran's Khomeini sought to revolutionize corrupt and unjust secular civilization in accordance with the spirit of Shia Islam and to succeed in the permanent revolution of Islam For Iran at that time, Iraq's Shi'a people, Syria's Assad Shia ruling forces and Lebanon's Shi'ite minority groups were noted for their ease of forming alliances, and Saudi Arabia accepted this kind of Shi'ite movement as a threat and challenge. Thus, the Sunni-Shia sectarian conflicts spread beyond individual countries to regional scale, and began to take on the character of proxy warfare. The 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq resulted in the removal of Iraq's Shi'ites from a Sunni crackdown, resulting in the expansion of Iran's regional influence. In addition, with the spread of the Islamic international movement, quasi-state armed networks such as al-Qaida have transcended the country and built it into a global new cold war following the U.S. Cold War. The 2008 U.S. financial crisis has shaken the balance between world politics and power. Anti-authoritarian democratic movements that had been suppressed have erupted into the Arab Spring, and in areas where sectarian tribal power relations are complex, such as Syria and Yemen, have erupted into civil war of mass destruction. At the center of sectarian conflict and conflict was Iran-Saudi Arabia's proxy war, and outside the stage of such sectarian conflict, the competition for hegemony was waged by big powers like the United States-Russia-China.Thus small countries such as Yemen and Syria, which have sectarian contradictions, have fallen into the modern history of tragedy. This study analyzes the mechanism of these sectarian conflicts, namely Iran and Saudi Arabia's proxy warfare, and based on the case of Syria as a criterion of comparison, sought the way of possible solutions for the sectarian conflict in Yemen. In the end, the simplest, easiest, and most basic solution for establishing a peace regime is the construction of a democratic state. Syria and Yemen should rebuild normal states in accordance with democratic procedures.Although it implies sectarian differences, it should create a democratic order in which differences are recognized maturely by respect for trust and diversity, not by discrimination or oppression. This is the only way to prevent outside hegemonic forces from driving sectarian differences in individual countries into a fractious conflict in the form of divide-and-rule. It will be a way for neighboring powers not to use sectarian differences and not to intervene in proxy warfare, destroying the nation.
  • 4.

    Global Village and Refugees: Missionary Role of Korean Church

    이병수 | 2019, 12(1) | pp.119~167 | number of Cited : 1
    Abstract
    Refugee issue is hot one in South Korea as well as Global Village. How do Christians feel about refugees? According to one source, “Christians are twice as likely to fear refugees as help them”. Why do Christians react this way when the history of our faith has been deeply immersed in the story of migration from the very beginning? Adam and Eve were forcibly displaced from the Garden of Eden. Noah was a migrant. Abraham, Moses, and Joshua spent much of their lives on the move. Jesus, himself, was a refugee. How should we respond to refugee issue today? The Bible assures our Christians that “God has not given us a spirit of fear and timidity, but of power, love, and self-discipline“(2Timothy 1:7). The Bible is clear about what we should do: welcome the stranger, or as Jesus called them in Matthew 25, ”the least of these“. Thus, this essay aims how to deal with the issue from a Biblical perspective. Based on the Biblical teaching, the current refugee issue is not problem but possibility and opportunity for missionary enterprise. The migration including refugees, whether forced or voluntary, should be viewed not as accidental but part of God’s sovereign plan.
  • 5.

    J. Dudley Woodberry’s Missiology for Muslim Evangelism

    김일권 | 2019, 12(1) | pp.169~196 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract
    The purpose of this work is to find the mission theological implications necessary for the study and direction of the Korean church by researching the missional legacy left by J. Dudley Woodberry through his life and ministry for Muslim evangelism. This work is introducing the core elements of Dudley Woodberry’s missiology for Islam Mission. His missiology for Islam mission was formed by evangelical faith, mission field experiences and various distinguished scholars with academic tradition and continuity. Those influences provided concrete resources to Dudley. His missiology consisted of love, passion, peace and respect to engage in meaningful encounters with Muslims. His missiology was based on the professional knowledge and understanding of Islam. Dudley Woodberry’s missiology for Islam consisted of four elements: the Muslim sources, the non-Muslim sources, the popular beliefs and practices of Islam, and the mission. The Islamic studies of Dudley Woodberry has opened a new horizon of Christian missiology for Islam mission in the 21st century.
  • 6.

    The Missiological Implications in the Christian Subjects's Arts Produced In the period of Mughal Akbar Emperor

    김지인 | 2019, 12(1) | pp.197~236 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract
    This paper is a missiological study on the religious, political, and artistic aspects of the paintings with christian themes in Akbar, Mughal Period. Akbar’s interest in this paintings is different from those which most of the western scholars used to have: superior westerners influenced the inferior the Mughal Emperor. Rather, Akbar took the initiative with his professional connoiseurship and serious study on the christianity and its doctrines. Akbar was an unorthodox muslim and established a Dini-Ilahi as a world-religion seeking universal truth in diverse religion through reason. Therefore, his interests in the paintings with christian themes were not for his faith on the christianity but for his interests in the christian iconography itself. Since conservative Islam prohibited God’s representation as a figural images, Akbar used christian iconography such as Jesus, Mary and saints for his expression of Islams’ narratives and doctrines. And as a muslim who was minor ruling class at that time, Akbar had to control and harmonize with Hinduists who was major subordinated class. And he focused on the christian painting’s devotional function and sanctification of the person with icons. And he also accepted western art’s themes and styles for his interests in the new style just like he accepted and assimilated the other styles such as Persian, Indian traditional Rajput style and Jain etc. In conclusion, Akbar’s period’s christian paintings made in the Mughal palaces did not come from his religious and conversional interests but rather were used for unifying & controling Mughal people who had various religious and political positions and eventually fortifying his kingship associated with divinely bestowed power.