KJC Korea
Journal Central

In this study, the counseling conversation between the counselor and the client was analyzed and the meaning of sentence ending according to the position and role of the conversation participant was examined. In addition, how participants’ strategies are reflected in the use of sentence endings are examined. A total of 34 conversation counseling materials were collected and transferred in this study. As a result, a total of 6,616 sentences and 23,300 tokens were analyzed The discussion mainly focused on the usage pattern of the endings, and the results are as follows. First, the respondent P1 and the consultant P2 intentionally use the sentence endings. Second, P1 uses formal endings and informal endings for problem solving of P2. Third, because of the characteristics of the genre of counseling conversation, P1 uses the integrated form with ‘- 실까요?’. This intentionally carries out indirect speech act. Fourth, P2 tries to avoid direct expression of its own mistakes in problem description at the stage of problem description. P2 uses the ‘--거든요’ and ‘-ㄴ데요’ that have the meaning function of ‘reason’. Finally, P2 uses ‘-죠’, which has the meaning of ‘confirmation’, to achieve the communication purpose of ‘problem solving’.

This paper aims at showing how past and non-past cut-off points in Korean and English are corresponding to each other in terms of linguistic generalisation and linguistic diversity with investigating semantic functions of cut-off points of past and non-past through analysing Korean English sentence pairs which are extracted from Korean and English parallel corpus. It can be quantitatively and qualitatively approached that the functions of the cut-off points of the temporal markers take roles in certain ways by examining how they are actually appeared in the sentence pairs of Korean and English expressing the same meaning. The majority of ‘-eot-’ is corresponding to simple past in English. But there are another various interesting usage patterns. For instance, ‘-eot-ue-myeon’ is to past modal expressions in English, ‘-eo ji-eot-’ and ‘-gei doi-eot-’ are to present perfect in English, ‘-eo/-go yiss-eot-’ and ‘-doen joong-yi-eot-’ are to past progressive in English. Korean temporal marker ‘-eot’ tends to have certain patterns of forms(periphrastic constructions) when they correspond to certain English tense and modal categories. The majority of ‘-geit-/-l geot-’could not be said they are corresponding to simple future tense. ‘-geit-/-l geot-’ tend to correspond to past and present modals in English and they are corresponding to from tense markers such as ‘will’ and ‘be going to’ to lexical verbs such as ‘expect’ and ‘wish’. It can be said that Korean future temporal markers ‘-geit-’ and ‘-l geot-’ show the spectrum over the grammatical categories and semantic categories.

This study reviewed case studies concerning Korean scope expressions so far in order to establish a foundation for scope-related researches in Korean. ‘Scopes’—semantic categories—regulate the existence and property of objects, phenomena, actions and events through ‘limits’ and ‘regions’. Scope markers, lexical and grammatical constructs that express scope functions, possess spatial and quantitative features. ‘Scopes’, as a form of spatial metaphor, are constructed by either exclusion or inclusion. The meaning of a scope can be manifested in the forms of lines, surfaces, volumes and teams. Semantic types of scopes vary, including space, time, quantity, agent, object, degree, level and so forth. In addition, ‘scopes’ have other semantic features such as integrity and locality, objectivity and subjectivity, tangibility and obscurity, movement and stillness, directionality and non-directionality, etc. When multiple scope expressions appear simultaneously, initial scopes precede final ones, temporal and spatial scopes precede quantitative ones, larger scopes precede smaller ones.

The purpose of this paper is to examine nominal compounds involving monosyllabic Sino-Korean words that had been set aside as exceptions, and to propose an account for them. Most monosyllabic Sino-Korean words are semantically autonomous, but syntactically non-autonomous. And since the formation of compounds involving monosyllabic Sino-Korean words is unbound, the list of such vocabulary is open-ended. Therefore it is impossible to determine whether the monosyllabic Sino-Korean words are free or bound morphemes. It is also for this reason that the tensing in these words is not accountable with the same rules that apply in general phonological tensing. Studies on tensing so far have been limited to phonological conditions or to tensing in compounds. In order to overcome this limit, one must recognize the special nature of monosyllabic Sino-Korean vocabulary, and explain the tensing phenomenon without recourse to their syntactic status. Accordingly, I propose that tensing in monosyllabic Sino-Korean vocabulary be accounted for in three different categories: (1) phonologically conditioned tensing, (2) morphologically conditioned tensing, and (3) semantically conditioned tensing. It was found that whether the first monosyllable in a compound is a free or a bound morpheme is a factor in tensing, and that those monosyllables belonging to neither (1) or (2) have fixed invariant tensing with idiosyncratic meanings.

This paper investigated how ‘-ulkey(yo)’ gains the “imperative” function based on the corpus data on lectures, presentations, and speeches. Lectures, presentations, and speeches are the types of utterances with specific aims and a relatively fixed discourse structure and that there is an implicit agreement between the hearer and the speaker that the hearer will act in accordance with the speaker’s utterances. In such type of utterances, many speakers used ‘-ulkey(yo)’ to let the hearers know of what they would be talking afterward or to inform them of how they would proceed with the presentation. In some cases, the speakers, by inference, had the hearers take part in the action by informing them of the action in advance. As such inferences are repeated, the ‘-ulkey(yo)’ gains the “hortative” function as it signifies an action which the speaker, as well as the hearer, would take together. If the hearers frequently comprehend that the main agent of an action is not the speaker but the hearer themselves when ‘-ulkey(yo)’ is used with the “hortative” function, the “imperative” function of the ‘-ulkey(yo)’ appears. When ‘-ulkey(yo)’ is used in lectures, presentations, and speeches, the actual agent of the action is often understood as the hearer, because the speaker who leads the lecture already has knowledge on the various activities which would be covered. In such cases, which require simultaneous performance of the speaker and hearers when the hearers’ action is emphasized more than the speaker’s, the meaning of ‘-ulkey(yo)’ becomes the “imperative” and the speaker becomes able to use ‘-ulkey(yo)’ to give directions to the listener even when the listener is the only subject in a sentence.

The purpose of this study is to examine the Meaning Correspondence of refining target words and refining words. The public perception of refining words is negative because they think it is not useful in a conversation situation. In this study, we tried to point out that there was a problem with its meaning correspondence as to why refining words were not useful. meaning correspondence can be divided into Type1 and Type2. Type1 includes those in which refining words have a broader meaning than refining target words. Type2 includes those in which refining words have a narrower meaning than refining target words. Both Type1 and Type2 have the problem that they can not accurately communicate what the speaker wants to say in a conversation situation. Moreover, Type2 should be more prudent than Type1 in that it may mean a completely different meaning. We also talked about the phenomenon of using refining target words for sophistication or show-off, regardless of the meaning correspondence. This can be seen as a language external factor.

In this paper, we examined the process of grammaticalized examples of Affixation in Korean Verbs. Some have grammatized the suffix after this composition of ‘N + V’ or V1 + V2’ becomes a compound word. Another thing is that ‘V2’ in the ‘V1-eo(어) + V2’ structure is grammatically translated as an auxiliary verb, and these are further converted into grammatical suffixes. This suffixs, for example ‘-kutda(궂다)’, ‘-nada(나다)’, ‘-matda(맞다)’, ‘-meokda(먹다)’ etc. are suffixed in the ‘N + V’ structure, and ‘-chida(치다), -ttrida(뜨리다)’ are examples of suffixing of following verbs in ‘V1 + V2’ structure. And ‘-eottrida(어뜨리다)’, ‘-eochida(어치다)’ and so on are suffixed examples from the auxiliary verb phrase. Other papers have seen the process of grammaticalization in as a monotone step of ‘ main verb> (compoud verb)> auxiliary verb> suffix’. In this paper, we propose that there may be a process of ‘main verb> (compoud verb)> suffix’ and another process of ‘main verb> auxiliary verb> suffix’. And some of them are semi-suffixed, which is an intermediate stage between auxiliary verbs and suffixes. Some are suffixed in the ‘N + V’ structure, which leads to a change in the part of speech with meaning addition. In the ‘V1 + V2’ structure, the suffixed examples add meaning only without changing the part of speech. In the auxiliary verb constructions, the suffixed example, ‘-eottrida(어뜨리다), - eochida(어치다)’ does not change the part of speech, but adds new meaning. However, ‘-eojida(어지다), -eohada(어하다)’ causes a change of speech.