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2008, Vol., No.60

  • 1.

    La critique de Gilbert Durand a propos de l’analyse structurale du mythe

    Jong Woo Kim | 2008, (60) | pp.3~36 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    Cette etude a pour but d’examiner la critique que fait Gilbert Durand de l’analyse structurale du mythe de Claude Levi-Strauss. Dans ses ouvrages, Durand critique les structuralistes qui prennent un recit mythique pour un objet de l’analyse semiotique. La mythodologie de Durand garde un aspect structuraliste, surtout par l’acception de la notion de grammaire universelle de la mentalite humaine. Dans le present article, nous allons examiner ce que sont des differences entre l’analyse structurale du mythe et la comprehension phenomenologique du mythe. Pour cela, nous allons nous interesser a la genese, au developpement et aux aspects concrets de cette methodologie. Apres le developpement triomphal de la connaissance rationnelle dans le cours officiel des mentalites en Occident, nous assistons au retrecissement de la fonction de la pensee mythique. Au 19e siecle, l’anthropologie moderne a montre les limites du rationnalisme par des etudes des societes primitives et s’est interessee depuis le debut du 20e siecle a la fonction de la pensee mythique. L’analyse structurale du mythe de Levi-Strauss a une place primordiale dans les discussions du mythe. Elle s’interesse a l’articulation des elements(mythemes) des recits mythiques, comme laphonologie s’interesse a celle des phonemes. C’est de l’examen de la corre- lation entre des mythemes qu’elle veut tirer la signification du recit mythique. Par l’expression de la “Guerre des dieux”, Durand met en accent le fait que des dieux de divers attributs s’affrontent tantôt dans le conflit ou tantôt dans l’harmonie. Il prend aussi l’histoire pour “la fille du mythe.” Il veut dire par cette expression que tous les phenomenes humains, contrairement a la notion d’histoire dialectique, repetent des archetypes mythiques. Il a propose une structure anthroplogique de l’imaginaire et a fait entrer toutes les images et tous les themes dans une structure universelle. Durand introduit la notion de lecture du mythe dans le domaine de la creation et de l’apprecialtion des oeuvres artistiques, surtout litteraires. Le createur veut trouver des elements mythiques patents pour les animer et leur donner des nouvelles significations. La mythocritique durandienne a pour objet de chercher la structure mythique dynamique inherente aux oeuvres et de montrer l’homologie entre systeme mythique et structure des oeuvres. Durand elargit des objets d’etude jusqu’aux phenomenes sociaux en passant par l’etude de l’homologie entre des oeuvres litteraires et des recits mythiques. C’est par la qu’il explique le processus de changement des mythes dirgeants d’une societe a travers la notion de “bassin semantique.” La mythodologie durandienne prend un caractere structuraliste en ce sens qu’elle presuppose l’existence d’une grammaire universelle de la mentalite humaine. En même temps, elle a aussi des aspects phenomenologiques en ce sens qu’elle accentue le sens autonome des images et leur dynamicite.
  • 2.

    Pierre Macherey and the Literary Philosophy

    Tae-Won Jin | 2008, (60) | pp.37~66 | number of Cited : 2
    Abstract PDF
    The aim of this paper is to elucidate the problematic of literary philosophy which is central to the later literary theory of Pierre Macherey. The literary philosophy has not been widely recognized in comparison with his early theory of literary production. It deserves, however, more critical attention, in so far as it transforms the latter into more dynamic conception of literary (re) production. The literary philosophy is neither an attempt to extract the philosophical themes from the literary works (“didactical scheme”) nor to evaluate the literature as the holy place in which the Truth is to be revealed (“hermeneutical scheme”). Rather, it seeks to explicate the nature of the speculative power of literature which is unfolded through its forms, and to explain how this power can show the blindness of philosophy to itself. Macherey finds an examplary case of literary philosophy in Foucault’s little known Raymond Roussel. The literary philosophy considers literary texts in terms of reproduction: literary texts as the subjectivity which is another name for the deconstructing, splitting, and unpredictable modifying power of literature and as the network of interconnections of the doubles that are both all the same and different between themselves which are inscribed in the process of the infinte repetitions. The literary thing, thus, is placed between the sublime and the shabbiness. It is the sublime as shabbiness.
  • 3.

    Das romantische Dionysos-Bild bei Schelling und Holderlin

    Sahyeon Hong | 2008, (60) | pp.67~103 | number of Cited : 4
    Abstract PDF
    In dieser Studie geht es um die Dionysos-Auffassung der Romantik, in der sich die dionysische Mythologie mit dem Bild Christi vereinigt. Dabei wird verdeutlicht, unter welcher Symbolik Dionysos in die romantische Idee der ‘Neuen Mythologie’ aufgenommen wird, und durch welche Rolle dieser mythologische Gott mit dem religio¨sen Gott Christus in Verbindung kommt. Es wird allgemein gesagt, daß das Griechentum und das Christentum einander unvertra¨gliche, ja diametral entgegengesetzte Welteinstellungen ha¨tten, und daß es zwischen ihnen keine zu vereinende Weltsicht ga¨be. In der Romantik jedoch sind sie keine Gegensa¨tze, die Mythologie und die Religion vereinigen sich zur Ganzheitsidee, zwar durch die Symbolik des Dionysos. In dem romantischen Synkretismus von Kunst, Religion, Mythologie, Philosophie usw. verko¨rpert Dionysos alles umfassende Kraft und somit die gemeinschaftstiftende Idee. Allerdings versteht es sich von selbst, daß die Romantiker gerade unter dem Schirmherr Dionysos das im Zeitgeist der Aufkla¨rung Verdra¨ngtes, Vernachla¨ssigtes und Verlorengegangenes wiederherzustellen versuchten. In dieser Hinsicht antizipiert der romantische Dionysos das Dionysische bei Nietzsche: In beiden Fa¨llen handelt es sich um die Remythisierung. Es liegt aber ein entscheidender Unterschied darin, daß Dionysos(Mythologie) und Christus(Religion) in der Romantik ein und dieselbe Rolle spielen. Der Romantik ist der Gottestod als Krise der Einen Wahrheit noch unbekannt, weshalb sich der romantische Dionysos, trotz der Kontinuita¨t und der inneren Affinita¨t zu Nietzsches Dionysos, wesentlich von diesem differiert. So bilden die Mythologie und die Religion zusammen die wesentliche Grundlage der romantischen Aufforderung zu dem, was momentan auf der Welt nicht ist, aber bald in Erscheinung treten wird, kurz zum kommenden Gott. Die Vereinigung von Dionysos und Christus ist vor allem in der Spa¨tphilosophie Schellings und in der Dichtung Ho¨lderlins philosophisch und literarisch ausgepra¨gt.
  • 4.

    Transformation of a Chinese Poetic Icon in Japanese Art:Yosa Buson(1716-1784) and his paintings of “Peach Blossom Spring”

    선승혜 | 2008, (60) | pp.107~139 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    일본 에도시대(江戶時代)의 시인이자 문인화가인 요사 부손(與謝蕪村 1716 -1784)은 동아시아에서 유토피아의 상징인 도연명(陶淵明 365-427)의 「도화 원기(桃花源記)」를 일본인의 정서에 맞게 변용하여 시와 회화를 창작하였다. 그 이론적 원동력은 중국 문화와 일본 문화의 융합이었다. 요사 부손은 새롭 게 도전하는 문인화의 주요한 소재로서 도연명의 「음주(飮酒)」, 「귀거래사 (歸 去來辭)」, 「도화원기」를 선택하였다. 왜냐하면 도연명의 시는 동아시아의 시 와 회화에서 모두 문인들에게 애호되었기 때문에, 부손이 시와 회화를 융합시 키는 데에 가장 매력적인 주제가 되었다. 특히 도화원은 탈속성과 은일뿐만 아니라 이상세계를 상징하는 아이콘으로 서 요사 부손이 추구했던 유토피아를 반영한 테마이다. 그의 시와 그림에 나 타난 도화원에 대한 관점을 두 가지 특징으로 해석할 수 있다. 첫째 요사 부손의 도화원은 은일성(隱逸性)과 탈속성(脫俗性)이라는 기본 개념에 하이쿠(俳句)의 유희성과 초닌(町人)의 자유로운 정신을 내포한다. 도 화원은 「겨울 은거(冬篭)」(1768)라는 하이쿠에서 겨울에 자신만의 시공간을 갖도록 숨는다는 장소로 묘사되었다. 이것은 중국의 명청대에 문인이 경세제 민을 위한 관료가 되지 않고 시민 생활을 하면서 은일을 즐긴 시은(市隱)과 일맥상통한다. 이것은관직을 버리고 산에 숨어사는 ‘소은(小隱)’, 관직을 유 지하면서 정신적인 은일을 즐긴 ‘조은(朝隱)’, 공적으로는 관료로서 경세제민 을 하면서 사적으로 문학과 예술을 즐긴 ‘중은(中隱)’과 구별된다. 일본에서는 과거제도가 정착되지 않아 관료가 된 사대부의 계층이 부재하였기 때문에, 부손이 도화원을 해석함에 있어서 시은의 관점에서 도원을 수용한 것은 당연 한 결과였다. 부손은 『춘니구집(春泥句集)』(1777)에서 도화원을 직접적으로 언급하지 않 았지만, 도화원의 봄과 탈속이라는 핵심적인 구조를 ‘이속론(離俗論)’이라는 시의 창작론에 응용하였다. 이것은 중국에서 도화원이 학정(虐政)을 피해 정 치적이고 사회적 은거를 문학적 이론으로 비약적인 전환을 도모한 것이다. 나아가 부손은 도화원도를 제작할 때에 도화원기의 텍스트를 있는 그대로 묘사하는 것에 국한하지 않았다. 그는 하이쿠에서 계절어(季語)의 사용을 중 시하는 것처럼, 복숭아 꽃이 피는 음력 3월의 세시풍속으로서 탈속과 은일을 더욱 강렬하게 암시하는 한식절(寒食節)의 이미지를 당대(唐代)의 시인 두공 (竇鞏 772?-831?)의 「양양한식기우문적(襄陽寒食寄宇文籍)」을 인용하면서 도 화원도의 이미지와 중첩시켰다. 도화원과 한식절을 주제로 한 회화 작품은 복숭아 꽃이 만발한 강가를 거슬러 올라가는 인물을 묘사한다는 점에서 공통 된다. 그러나 도화원도에서는 어부가 배를 타고 간다면, 한식절을 소재로 한 회화에서는 인물이 말을 타고 복숭아나무 아래를 지나가는 것을 묘사하여 차별성을 두었다. 이와 같이 도화원에 다양한 해석과 변용을 할 수 있었던 것은 중국 원대 우제가 당송대의 칠언절구 320여 편을 편집한 『연주시격(聯 珠詩格)』의 일본 출판본(和刻本)을 애독하고 시와 제발에 인용을 하였기 때문 이다. 둘째 부손의 도화원은 양명학에 영향을 받아 순수한 마음에 기초로 한 행복 한 유토피아이다. 그는 일본의 문인화가들 사이에서 최신 유행이었던 중국 명청대의 회화와 더불어, 중국 명대 만력기(萬曆期, 1573-1619)에 원굉도(袁宏 道 1568-1610)가 시란 개성의 자유로운 발로이며 격조에 얽매여서는 안 된다 고 주장한 공안파(公安派)의 예술론을 수용하였다. 원굉도는 급진적 양명학자 인 이지(李贄 1527-1602)가 동심(童心)을 중시하며 인간의 욕구를 있는 그대로 긍정하고자 하였던 사상에서 출발하였다. 에도시대에 원굉도의 『병사(甁史)』 가 출판될 만큼 유행하였다. 부손은 『한밤의 음악(夜半樂)』(1777)에 수록한 시로서 한시(漢詩)와 하이쿠 를 번갈아 지은 『게마에 부는 봄바람(春風馬堤曲)』에서 봄날 귀향길에 오른 젊은 여성을 만나면서 느낀 애뜻하고 로맨틱한 감정 혹은 노스탤지어를 표현 하였다. 이것은 직접적으로 도연명의 도화원기를 인용하지 않으면서, 감상자 가 도화원기의 낭만적 이미지를 연상하도록 하는 기법을 이용하였다. 나아가 1781년에 부손은 교토의 유곽지에 환락을 위한 특별한 공간이였던 스미야(角屋)에 보관된 도화원도는 동굴의 형태에 여성의 음부를 은유적으로 암시하고, 동굴로 들어가는 어부 얼굴이 붉게 상기되도록 채색하여, 에로틱한 순간을 암시하였다. 이 작품은 『연주시격(聯珠詩格)』에 수록된 원굉도의 『입 도화원시(入桃花源詩)』를 제발에 인용한 점을 염두에 두면, 욕망을 인정하고 자 한 부손의 의도를 해석할 수 있다. 그러나 이때 부손의 나이는 이미 65세를 넘었으므로 욕망의 긍정이란 판타지 속의 도화원의 추구였을 것이다. 같은 해에 같은 원굉도의 시를 제발에 인용하면서 노인들이 활짝 웃고 있는 모습에 서 도화원이란 즐겁게 사는 유머가 넘치는 곳이라는 것을 강조하였다. 이것은 그가 평생을 통해 구축한 하이가(俳畵)의 여유와 유머에서 나온 도화원에 대 한 해석이다. 요약하자면 부손의 도화원은 중국의 정치적 유토피아를 개인적인 차원, 즉 코모리(篭り)와 같은 개인적인 은일이며, 욕망을 긍정하고 유머에 넘치는 행 복한 삶으로 해석했다. 이러한 도화원의 개념은 18세기 초닌 계층의 자유주의 를 반영하여, 자유로운 마음(心)의 발현을 존중하는 양명학의 정신과 유머와 발랄함을 추구한 하이쿠(俳句)의 정서를 결합하여 일본인의 정서에 맞도록 변 용된 것이다. 이러한 18세기의 자유로운 정신은 중국과 한국의 영향을 받으면 서도 새로운 일본문화를 형성해 가는 추진력이 되었다. 이렇듯 요사 부손이 일본인의 감성으로 중국의 시적(詩的) 도상을 재해석한 양상을 고찰한 연구는 향후 한중일의 문화를 비교하는 초석이 되는 데에 또한 가치가 있다.
  • 5.

    Le dandy et l’artiste chez Baudelaire: dans la perspective du dualisme non-dualiste du Son bouddhisme e coreen

    조희원 | 2008, (60) | pp.141~170 | number of Cited : 4
    Abstract PDF
    Cette etude a pour but d’aborder la notion de dandy et d’artiste chez Baudelaire dans la perspective du dualisme non-dualiste de Son bouddhisme coreen. D’apres Park Sung-Bae, bouddhologue coreen, qui distingue de la connaissance profonde l’eveil subit, la vraie foi est d’obtenir l’eveil subit. Car ce dernier correspond a l’experience de la non-dualite, celle de la destruction du “moi”, alors que la connaissance profonde ne fait qu’ajouter une conception a ce qui est deia etabli en tant que discernement illusoire. De ce point de vue, la connaissance profonde est un obstacle sur le chemin menant a l’eveil subit, parce qu’elle renvoie a un incessant discernement du “moi” illusoire d’avec l’Autrui. Partant de cette idee de l’eveil subit, nous avons remis en cause le fait que le dandy ne se dissipe jamais dans les autres, tant qu’il se referme dans sa solitude, dans son “moi” illusoire, pour garder sa consience de la creativite. Il garde toujours ses distances par rapport aux autres, meˆme lorsqu’il avoue se complaire a une espece d’osmose avec le plus grand nombre. Neanmoins, si le dandysme dont Baudelaire parle peut se resumer a une sorte de culte du “moi-meˆme”, cela pose probleme au niveau de la participation. Autrement dit, du fait que la concentration du “moi-meˆme” signifie qu’elle garde bien la distance a l’egard des autres, la distance empeˆche le dandy de participer aux autres. Pour cette raison, le dandy correspond a la connaissance profonde. Pourtant, comme tout est cense eˆtre reversible dans le monde baudelairien, le dandysme portant sur le travail du “moi” va eˆtre renverse et se dissiper dans la foule. Cela signifie que l’homme ayant eu l’eveil subit correspond au flaˆneur-artiste. Etant donne que le flaˆneur eveille prend la place de la victime et connait la douleur causee par la substitution avec les autres, ce flaˆneur-artiste peut se caracteriser par ce que l’on appelle le “Bodhisattva”. Dans cette perspective, c’est par la compassion que le flaˆneur-artiste se met a la place sacrificielle, bien qu’il sache que tout est illusoire. Il est donc chez le flaˆneur-artiste que se produit la reversibilite entre la solitude et le solidaire. Voila ce que signifie le dualisme non-dualiste dans la notion de flaˆneur-artiste.
  • 6.

    Perspectives on Indian Art during the Meiji and Taisho Period

    강희정 | 2008, (60) | pp.173~205 | number of Cited : 5
    Abstract PDF
    The Japanese art-historian Hamada Gosaku wrote an article under the title of 「Concerning on the Greco-Indian Buddhist Art (希臘印度式佛敎美 術について)」 in the first art-history journal of Japan named 『Kokka (國華)』 in 1906. The word of Greco-Indian is an important perspective of how the intellectuals at those periods viewed Asian Art History. Originally, the term 希臘印度式 in Japanese, is a translation of the words ‘Greco-Indian’ or ‘Indo-Greek’, which were used by Western researchers. The concepts of ‘Greco-Indian’ art were not clear in their substances, but they were well comprehended by the Western scholars with prejudice in the 19th century. Japanese scholars used the pure translation of the term ‘Greco-Indian’. This means that the Japanese were largely depending on western concepts for the construction of the history of Japanese art. However, the images that the Japanese imagined about the Indian art differed from those of the Western’s. It was because the western point of view, based on the Orientalism towards India, was different, while the Japanese had to make the concept of the ‘East’. Okakura Tenshin emphasized the influence of India on the mural paintings of the Horyu-ji (法隆寺) Kondo, and the arts in the Shosoin (正倉院). He paid special attention on the cave temples and wall paintings in India like Ajanta, treated them as the important origin of Japanese art. In 1893, Ito Chuta claimed the applications of entasis on the columns in Horyu-ji as a result of the cultural exchange between the East and the West. And he named them ‘Greek Doric’ order. During the Meiji Era, the Japanese researchers fully accepted the Western point of view about the Indian art rather than creating their own perspective, and actively researching the arts. As a result, they understood Indian arts with an obscure angle of Greco-Indian art, and tried to explain their arts on that basis. The Japanese in the Meiji Era argued India as the origin of the Oriental spirits, while explaining the Indian Buddhist art under the Greek traditions. And they highly estimated the Indian art influenced by the Greek. This vague understanding of India resulted from remarkably subjective creation of the Orientalism, which was spread at Meiji times. Though the Indian art was evaluated as the very origin of the Eastern culture, India was only imagined by the Japanese. It was inevitable for the Japanese, who thought the Indian Buddhist art was the origin of theirs, to focus more on the Gandharan art than Indian subcontinent art. This period, in which several regions of Gandhara were excavated and investigated, was also same time that Japanese started to pay attention to the Indian art. Considering from the point of World History, Japan’s focusing on India coincided with the movements of the West. In Taisho era, after the Meiji, Japanese more widely noticed and researched Indian art. Taki Seichi, who had visited the West in 1911, understood the new trend of Western scholars, and showed us how much the Japanese were sensitive to the Western scholars’ research methods. He pointed out that it was natural to discuss the influence of Gandhara on the eastern regions. As he mentioned, it is persuasive since Gandhara is located in the north-west region of India, and is a gateway to the Silk Road area and China. His concrete works are easily compared with those of the antecedents who abstractly understood Indian art on the basis of Gandharan art. Even if the way to research on Indian art had been developed to be more precise and specific until Taisho times, their intention, to find out the origin of Buddhist art from India, was not changed. The method of study was accordingly dependant on the similarity of the external shape between Indian and Japanese art. The Japanese tried to raise the value of Japanese art by showing the Greek art influence on Japanese art, which was importantly regarded in the West. Since they were not free from the paradigm of the Buddhist art penetrated into Japan, they focused on the certain art forms which were transmitted to the Silk Road and China from India. Therefore they chose some kind of art according to their necessity. Gandharan sculpture, Sanchi stupa, and Ajanta murals were considered as the main objects to be compared. Since modern Japanese still accept this idea as considerable until today, it is worth discussing to research the Japanese attitude to Indian art in the early 20th century.
  • 7.

    The Korean adjectives: Unaccusative predicates?

    Kim keonhee | 2008, (60) | pp.207~235 | number of Cited : 8
    Abstract PDF
    The Korean adjectives are often indistinguishable from verbs in the viewpoint of the morphological and syntactic criterion which tell adjectives from verbs, so the categorial identity of the Korean adjectives have been questioned. In this results, the Korean adjectives are often regarded as unaccusative predicates which is a kind of verb. But it must be given a careful consideration to the deciding whether the Korean adjectives are unaccusative predicates or not. First, the adjectives, so called verby adjectives, which are indistinguishable from verbs don’t reveal the unaccusativity. Second, If the adjectives which reveal some characteristics of unacuusativity satisfy the general criterion of adjective-classification, those adjectives must be regarded as adjectives not unaccusative predicates. Third, diagnostics have been posited for unaccusativity in Korean is not right in the stream of the unaccusativity discussion since the Perlmutter(1978)’s argument. Fourth, the criterion which tell adjectives from verbs must be reconsidered with flexibility in the viewpoint of degrees, for example, typical adjectives and non-typical adjectives.
  • 8.

    On Zarathustra’s ‘willing subject’

    김주휘 | 2008, (60) | pp.237~267 | number of Cited : 5
    Abstract PDF
    Against two dominant understandings of Nietzsche’s subject, which are represented by Heidegger who regards “will-to-power” as the consummation of the metaphysics of modern subjectivity and as leading to the domination of the earth by technology, and by Deleuze and Foucault who find the de-construction of the very subjectivity in Nietzsche’s thought, this work follows the idea of Nietzschean subject as something to be created and to be achieved. According to this idea, Nietzsche shows his own prescriptive concern with the self-creating and value-creating subjects although he is in agreement with the de-constructionists as to the critique of the myth of the unified rational subject at the descriptive level. Also this work attends to ststus and the role of the Nietzschean self-creating subjects in the dynamics of a community. Nietzsche considered the sovereign self-creating individuals not only as the fruit of the community but also as the seeds of the new states and communities. From this, against the dominant asocial and apolitical rendering of Nietzschean individuals, this work probes on the role of the individuals in the dynamics of the communal life, as the center of its dynamics. and asks on what ground it is possible. The main argument of this work is that we can find the ground of the individuals being at the center of the dynamics of a community in the fact that both individuals and communities are considered to be the subjects of the ethical practice, the creators of values. This is shown by a close reading of Thus Spoke Zarathustra in comparison with “Schopenhauer as Educator.” Pursuing the question of what the redeeming and liberating willing and creating means in Zarathustra’s teaching, we find that it is none other than the very will to create the ethical life on earth, to create good and evil, that is, values. This can be made clearer if we compare Zarathustra with “Educator” where Nietzsche makes explicit that the liberation of life means the liberation of the higher self and that only it could lead to the creation of culture, which makes human life different from that of mere animals. We find in both works very similar contrasts of the higher human life with that of mere animals. Especially in Zarathustra, it is expressed as the contrast of those who could accept the status of man as the bridge to Übermensch, as something to be overcome, and the last men who pursue only happiness, the contented animal life. From these considerations, this work shows that the teaching of liberation and creation means the demand for a new ethical life on earth and for the subjects of the new ethical life, which would be different from the old life-negating ones, especially at the age of the demise of God, the demise of the old ethical communities and the arrival of the new idol, the modern state. The concluding remarks, Nietzsche’s insight into the necessary violence and cruelty which accompanies any cultural and ethical creation is understated as one of the major contributions of him although the investigation of its implications must be deferred to a future work.
  • 9.

    劉因의 詩論과 詩

    송용준 | 2008, (60) | pp.269~299 | number of Cited : 0
    Abstract PDF
    众所周知,元朝的诗歌在中国诗歌史上地位较低,但在元朝,诗歌同样是 正统文学的重要组成部分,诗作层出不穷,其繁荣与普及程度不亚于唐宋两 朝,成果也令人瞩目。 考察元诗的发展过程可知,宗唐复古是那一时代的潮流与风气,在对前人 的诗风进行反省和批判之后,便形成了元诗最突出的特点: 南北复古诗风合 流。考察保留至今的元诗就可以发现,元初北方诗坛上成果最突出的诗人应数 刘因。 在诗论方面刘因作为道学家重视诗歌的教化作用,强调学习《诗经》的重 要性,并将魏晋南北朝时代的曹植、刘桢、陶渊明、谢灵运和唐朝的李白、杜 甫、韩愈及宋朝的欧阳修、苏轼、黄庭坚等列为当代最为杰出的学者,推荐人 们学习他们的诗作。同时, 他还指出,模仿晚唐诗风“不是作诗的方法”,提倡 诗歌要有风采,要崇古,要富于沈郁悲壮和清刚劲健的精神。刘因的诗歌反映 着他的创作实践与其提倡的诗论大体相符。 刘因的诗文别集《静修集》因版本不同,所收诗作也不同。现存的刘因诗 歌大约有一千首。顾嗣立的《元诗选》初集中收入刘因234首诗。按其内容分 类,可分为抒情诗、怀古诗、咏物诗、写景诗、社会诗等。刘因的古体诗受韩 愈的影响确属事实,而李贺的影响也不少。刘因的写景诗则想象奇特,讲究表 现技巧。 刘因的诗歌既具备唐诗的审美意识,又具有宋诗的说理作用,表现了元朝 初期北方诗歌的过渡性格。他的诗歌中存在的思辨成分不免淡化了诗意。这便 是诗人刘因的特征之一。但他的理论反映了他那个年代和社会的苦闷以及对历 史的深刻思索,因而也就值得吟咏,值得品味。刘因认为,历史的对与错并非 体现于朝代的兴衰,但历史的发展过程为人们思考人生和命运提供了各种选 择。 此外,刘因与宋朝的苏轼及同时代的郝经一样有不少陶渊明诗歌的次韵 诗。可见金朝曾经盛行过的“苏学”遗风缠绵未断。由此可见,刘因有选择地吸 收唐诗和宋诗的优点与特征试图来打造自己的诗歌世界,然而他依然未能摆脱 掉唐宋诗歌的藩籬。 14世纪以后,中国诗歌史的中心移到了中国南部的江南一带。北方诗坛则 在山西的元好问、河北的刘因之后,未曾出现杰出诗人。可见,刘因是中国元 朝时期北方诗坛进入低潮之前的最后一位表现唐宋诗风的诗人。
  • 10.