2011, Vol., No.34

A Study on the Customary Practices and Management Environments of Chinese Companies in the 1930s

Kim Ji Hwan | 2011, (34) | pp.7~43 | number of Cited : 0

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There are two major arguments in the study of Chinese modern economic history: they are the deterioration theory and the development theory. The former argues that the principal direction of Chinese economy in those days was toward deterioration due to the China Nationalist Government and the pressure from the Imperialist Powers, putting an emphasis on deterioration and collapse in Chinese economy. Meanwhile, the latter argues that Chinese economy took a direction towards development thanks to companies' internal management innovation and the China Nationalist Government's economic policies. The First World War created opportunities for Chinese economy and companies to develop in a breakthrough fashion. Chinese companies including cotton mills were blessed with an unprecedented chance for development thanks to a boom during war. Each nation of the West had to focus on the production of military supplies and had no room for addressing Chinese market. As a result, there was a shortage of commodities in Chinese market. The shortage caused the overall prices to rise, and the rising prices created opportunities for Chinese economy and companies to grow and develop. However, such development did not last long. Chinese economy and companies that enjoyed a boom during war were faced with a recession once the war was ended. Corporate management worsened due to the rising prices of raw materials including cotton and the relative decline of product prices. Furthermore, corporation's customary practices and speculations became major causes to disturb the development of Chinese economy and companies. In addition, the China Nationalist Government set excessively high interest rates for the government bonds issued to supplement the finance. The banks were aggressive with purchasing the government bonds and stingy with investments and loans for companies. As a result, the normal growth and development of Chinese companies was set back big time. The China Nationalist Government made active efforts to promote the growth and development of Chinese companies such as forming National Economic Council and even succeeded in turning the interest of the banks from speculation to investments into companies by issuing Unification Loan and dropping its interest rate by a considerable degree. The Chinese companies also worked hard to innovate on internal management. As a result, the China Nationalist Government and Chinese companies overcame the financial panic across the world in the early 1930s and created opportunities for the growth and development of Chinese economy and companies. In 1936, Chinese economy began to witness the emergence of clear development signs such as companies recovering their production capacity and thus contributing to the growth of national economy.

Organization and Governance of the Japanese Enterprises in the 20th Century

YEO Inman | 2011, (34) | pp.45~81 | number of Cited : 1

The Zaibatsu known as an idiosyncratic corporate organization in Japan is a variant of European holding company which is modified to fit into Japanese social and historic tradition. Before the World War II, the necessity of prohibiting monopoly was not prevailed in Japan as was the case of Europe. After the War, economic system in Japan became Americanized due to reform policies imposed by the SCAP (Supreme Commander of the Allied Powers), which entailed a dissolution of Zaibatsu. Later, a new form of business group emerged to cope with increasing hostile acquisitions, and it has contributed to rapid growth of Japanese economy up until 1980s. In terms of corporate governance structure, the power of shareholders was strong in Japanese companies before WWII. Nonetheless, as is the case of typical Zaibatsu, the power of the managerial class was secured to some extent. (so called the age of limited managerial enterprises) After WWII, business groups in the absence of control tower which existed before the War such as holding company or family members of the founder took the function of stabilizing shareholdership mainly through cross- shareholding, thereby enhancing independence of the management. (the age of managers)The burst of bubble economy followed by the long-term recession weakened and/or dissolved the existing business groups, thus the Anti-Trust Law was modified as the global competition intensified. In this context, the establishment of pure holding company which was prohibited for a long period of time since WWII was permitted. In conclusion, the unique organizational and governance structure of Japanese corporation stemmed not only from the global universality, but also from distinctive features based on Japanese history and culture. If we look at the recent changes, the conventional logic of Japanese corporate idiosyncrasy should be rectified. Business organization though it is said to be originated from indigenous socio-historic background can only function and maintain when it exert economic efficiency in particular times.

A few crucial issues on French business history - Case of Industrialization since Twentieth Century

Hyang-Lan Choi | 2011, (34) | pp.83~109 | number of Cited : 1

Business history in France progressed in the mid 1970s, in the face of micro-economic approaches based notably on the study of business and technical innovation. The rejuvenated vision of the french economy has profited from advances in the analysis of net works and study of the State, international business history and the history of technological change. Arguing against the long-standing view that french economic and business development were crippled by missed opportunities and entrepreneurial failures, this study introduces new viewpoint of distinctive characteristics on French economic and business development. It includes the pivotal role of the French state, the pervasive influence of French financiers, and the significance of labor conflict. This research presents main issues on the efficiency of french economy due to privatization of public corporations which are characterized by inefficiency and lack of vitality. The privatization of public corporations in Europe has been accelerated 1980's thanks to ex-prime minister of Great Britain, Margaret Tatcher. The issue on the 'Nationalization and Privatization' attracted many historians on the broader international experience of nationalization and privatization. It involves two debates. Firstly there were any common features to the internal experience of nationalization and privatization, secondly as the main effects of privatization. Fundamentally, the State opted for public ownership because he regarded it as more effectives means of achieving its ends, than the available alternatives such as regulation. Yet while nationalization had increased government responsibility over its performance, there was the privatization policy three times from the mid 1980s to the late of 1990s. The question of ownership remains central to academic arguments over privatization.

Cities Revolution and Management Transformation: Capitals Management Change between the Tang and Song Dynasties

Zhang, Chun-lan | 2011, (34) | pp.111~130 | number of Cited : 0

The Sun and the Moon Shining in Human World：The Regulation of Law on the Order of Day and Night in the Song Dynasty

Jia, Wen-long | 2011, (34) | pp.131~158 | number of Cited : 0

The Dispute of Confucian Orthodoxy and the Dispute of Political Orthodoxy: an Academic Affair During the Song Dynasty

Tang, Qing-fu | 2011, (34) | pp.159~186 | number of Cited : 0

After conducting Hoseo daedongbeop(湖西大同法), Operations and changes of Jinsang(進上)

Jeon, Sang-Wuk | 2011, (34) | pp.187~223 | number of Cited : 8

A Study on Pyeongsinjin in Chungcheong-do during the Late Joseon Dynasty

SEO TAE WON | 2011, (34) | pp.225~278 | number of Cited : 17

Pyeongsinjin, which was the base of Chungcheong-do Sugun during the late Joseon Dynasty, was installed as Hanggeumjin was moved to Pyeongsin at Daesan-myeon in 1711 (Year 37 of King Sukjong) and the cheomsa was called Pyeongsin Cheomsa. Hanggeumjin situated in a position advantageous for advancing to the open sea was installed for several reasons including the defense of the sea off Chungcheong-do and support to the defense of Ganghwa-do, but the fortress was moved to Pyeongsin because it was difficult to build a wharf for battleship at Hanggeumjin. As the registries of stock farm lands and residents were transferred from the corresponding village to Pyeongsinjin in March 1794 (Year 18 of King Jeongjo), Pyeongsinjin was operated like a village. Then, stock farms were abolished in September of the same year and Jangyongyoung army lands were installed. Going through these changes, the military unit was discontinued in the Reform in 1895 (Year 32 of King Gojong). The office buildings (公廨) of Pyeongsinjin include inn, inner court, armory (軍器庫), grain storage (屯庫), Yiwonchang (梨園倉), Changtaekchang (昌宅倉), registry storage (戶籍庫), and administrative office (作廳). Battleships (戰艦) belonging to Pyeongsinjin were 2 defense ships (防船), 1 military ship (兵船), and 2 patrol ships (伺候船), and deployed soliders were 710 Suguns, 354 Dunabyeongs, 233 Jusaguns 233 and 60 Sinseonguns. According to Pyeongsinjin Jusagunbyeong Sinmyosik Chodoan (平薪鎭舟師軍兵辛卯式草都案)written in 1890 (Year 27 of King Gojong), 22 Jusagun military officers were deployed in Pyeongsinjin on the first and second defense lines including 1 Daejang (代將), 5 Gipaegwans, 1 Gyosa (敎師), 1 Hundo, 1 Jwapogwan, 1 Upogwan and 1 Hwapogyosa (火砲敎師)on each line, and they were all from the gentry class. Mostof 211 soldiers whose social standing was recorded were from the common class, but the authenticity of the records is low in that records on physical features were uniform. Among the solders, 79 had the name Aji (牙之) and 59 lived at the area below Pyeongsinjin as the most common residence. The solders’ average age was 32.5 and their village was all Pyeongsin. The soldiers were deployed on the first and second defense lines including 12 standard bearers (旗手), 10 shooters (射手), 12 gunners (砲手) including 5 artillerymen (火砲手), 1 Jaengju, 1 Gosju, 1 Yosu and 1 Posu Sugun on each line, and 2 Chwisu Suguns and 32 oarsmen for both lines. To these members, 2 trumpeters, 1 Taepyeong Sugun, and 1 Tasu Sugun were added to the first defense line, so a total of 79 members were deployed on the first line, and 1 Jeongsu Sugun and 1 Susolgun were added to the second defense line, so a total of 77 members were deployed on the second line. On the militaryship were deployed 10 shooters, 10 gunners, 1 Tasu, 1 Jeongsu and 1 Yosu Sugun, and on each of the 1st and 2nd patrol ships were deployed 1 artilleryman and 5 Gyeokguns (格軍). Furthermore, arms, flags, instruments, rations, etc. were placed on the battleships. Of the incomes of Pyeongsinjin, Sugunjeon (水軍錢) 1,420 ryang was spent in provisions and arms for Banggun (防軍), and the repair and modification of the battleship, Gyeoljeon (結錢) 700 ryang in provisions for Banggun (防軍) and official demands (官需), and Sinseongunjeon (新選軍錢) 120 ryangand Jangje (場稅) 36 ryang in official demands (官需). Furthermore, 181 ryang 2 jeon collected from Sugun, Sinseongun and Jusagun soldiers in each eclipse year was spent in purchasing paper, brush and ink and miscellaneous items, in case of year 1862 (Year 13 of King Cheoljong), Dunjeon (屯稅) 196 seok 9 du (943 ryang 8 jeon 8 pun) was used in pays to officers. Besides, interests from loaned grain 839 seokwere used in financing Pyeongsinjin. Pyeongsinjin played the role of defending the sea of Chungcheong-do from foreign forces and pirates and supporting the defense of Ganghwa-do in time of emergency. Thus, in 1738 (Year 14 of King Yeongjo), Pyeongsin Cheomsa was punished for neglecting the report on a foreign ship, and in 1866 (Year 3 of King Gojong), Pyeongsin Cheomsa reported to Gamsa and Susa of Chungcheong-do of an unidentified ship. After the French disturbance in 1866 and the American disturbance in 1871, Pyeongsinjin was reinforced with additional deployment of 40 artillerymen. The second duty of Pyeongsinjin, working alternately with Sogeunjin every other year, was guarding the safety of tax ships sailing from the inlet at Anheung, Taean-gun, Chungcheong-do to Pung-do, Namyang-bu, Gyeonggi-do. However, as a tax ship charged to Pyeongsinjin sank, Pyeongsin Cheomsa reported Gamsa and Susa of Chungcheong-do on the reasons for sinking, rescue of people, disposal of salvaged grain, imprisonment of those responsible for the accident, etc. In most of such cases, Cheomsawas also punished. The third role was horse management because Pyeongsinjin was installed at stock farms and Cheomsa acted as the supervisor over the farms. As the number of horses at stock farms belonging to Pyeongsinjin decreased sharply in 1793 (Year 17 of King Jeongjo), Pyeongsin Cheomsa was punished. As the registries of stock farmers and lands was transferred Pyeongsinjin in March 1794, disseizin of stock farmers was reduced, but stock farms were abolished and Jangyongyoung Dunto was installed in order to expand the finance of Jangyongyoung in September of the same year, and as a result, Pyeongsinjin was released from horse management. Besides, Pyeongsinjin carried out duties such as control over pine tree cutting (禁松) and check and drowing up of family register.

The countermeasures of the disaster in Toyotomi regime

KIM MOON JA | 2011, (34) | pp.279~314 | number of Cited : 2

Thismanuscriptreportsthecircumstancesand countermeasures, focusing on flood damage and earthquake that occurred in the period of Toyotomi regime. As we examine a disaster in the early period of Toyotomi administration, the flood damage occurred intensively rather than earthquake. Since damages of flood and wind were predictable and occurred repeatedly, it seemed like the administration could prepare and handle disasters through water installation and prayer. For earthquake, it happened far away from Kyoto and Osaka, which were the center of political power. Thus, flood and earthquake that occurred in the early period of Toyotomi administration were not threatened Toyotomi's political system and power, nor related to political problem at home and abroad. Meanwhile, damages of flood and earthquake that occurred in the late period of Toyotomi regime made a huge impact on the Toyotomi's administration, because disasters occurred in Kyoto, which was the core area of central government. During that time, people tended to associate earthquake with war. They believed that there might be a higher chance of war when an earthquake hit. Politicians also believed an earthquake was considered as one of the variables that affected change their political power structure. Therefore, natural disasters in the latter period of Toyotomi administration, were considered as an element that led Toyotomi's administration to political crisis in domestic and foreign relations. From the religious aspects of disaster response in Toyotomi's regime, the administration had a Buddhist and prayer service, and they enacted Japanese era name. However, any measures that related to the improvement or restoration of living condition were not existed. When an earthquake occurred, Toyotomi Hideyoshi, who took more power of government administration than Japanese emperor, was afraid of the fault that people might pin the blame on him. Thus, he conducted a prayer ritual immediately to prevent a problem that people might blame Toyotomi Hideyoshi as the cause of natural disasters. An engineering perspective of fire prevention measures, there were no big difference between Toyotomi regime and Edo period. However, people in Toyotomi-era regime thought disasters were not a natural phenomenon, rather they believed God caused disasters. Therefore, we could see that most people in Toyotomi's era relied heavily on the prayer from god․buddhas and Onmyoji when they carried out earthworks and river works.

The Cultural Communication and Integration: Kühn’s Memorandum(1979) and the National Integration Plan(2007) in Germany

Lee Yong-IL | 2011, (34) | pp.315~345 | number of Cited : 4

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2011, Vol., No.34