2012, Vol.24, No.1

The Baegje’s First Capital and Wiryesanseong in Cheonan

Seo Jeong Seog | 2012, 24(1) | pp.7~37 | number of Cited : 1

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Song Gi Seop | 2012, 24(1) | pp.39~71 | number of Cited : 3

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Nujeong had been used as a cultural space and rest place of some high classes and intellectuals, then it was a place they enjoyed the arts and discussed ideologies and communed with nature as an influence of the Confucian idea during the Chosun Dynasty. In such a rest, they recited poems to express their feelings. Aspects of those poems vary depending on Nujeong’s history, region and natural environment. This is same in Nujeong of Cheonan. Because the northern Cheonan was early Baekje’s capital and crossroads, there were mainstream poems that implied the poets’ sorrow about ruination of Baekje and worry at a crossroads in there. In the central Cheonan, there remained the first king’s vestige of Goryeo Dynasty and scholars stayed on their way from north to south. Therefore, there were mainstream poems that implied worry and the first king’s vestige. This helped scholars to deal with their homesickness. However the southern Cheonan had many areas of scenic beauty and pavilions in this place were located in nature, and so most poems’ material was nature. Here are some features of poems related to Cheonan Nujeong’s regional characteristic. We can see sorrow for ruination of Baekje form Jewonru by Geojeong Seo and Chajiksanjewonruun by Bongryeong Gu, the first king’s vestige of Goryeo from Jecheongangunru by Jangwon Park and Deungcheonanseonhwaru by Jongjik Kim and the king’s vestige of Chosun from Yeongsojeong by King Sukjong. Our historical trace remains intact in these works. Seonhwaru by Seungso Lee and Cheonansuseonjeong by Suk Oh are poems about concern from homesickness. On the other hand, in Cheoksuru by Yu Sin and Hansikdeungcheoksuru by Bang Lim, they tried to be free from anxiety and variously expressed their feelings while passed by. Thus, these works show they reflected regional features well. Poems recited in pavilions of scenic beauty show old scholars’ friendship and philosophical thought by representing landscape and responding to friends’ poems. Jahanjeong by Gwangheung Yu and Yongjujeong by Sanguk Han represent scholars’ daily life on pavilion. The image they assimilated with nature in Bokgujeong by Deuksin Kim and Gyeonghanjeong by Sijing Gwak is like a picture. In addition, Deungbokgwi by Yunwon Park tells about birth and death of all things in universe and order of cycle and Jeanjeong by Gwanghan Sin represents well his anguish over the situation he wanted to enjoy Tao in poverty. This shows poets brought natural environment to poems. And to conclude, the poem actively reflected historical, regional and natural elements by location of Nujeong. Therefore, this means Nujeong had a big effect on our great culture from their humanity in Nujeong as well as the only value of Nujeong.

An Aspect of Jeyeong Poetry in Chungbuk

Kim,Mi-Seon | 2012, 24(1) | pp.73~101 | number of Cited : 2

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Takyoung Kim Il Son and Dodong-Seowon

조항덕 | 2012, 24(1) | pp.103~142 | number of Cited : 3

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This is to learn about Takyoung Kim Il Son(1464-1498) and Dodong-Seowon which is for worshiping him, located in Mokcheon in Chungcheongdo. Besides, I shed new light on Takyoung as a great man who is admired and a symbol of scholar for the development of Cheonan. Moreover, I also wish that we could recover Dodong-Sewon which is now remained with only some vestiges so that it could be used for teaching young men a traditional moral justice. In the latter half of the 15th century, Jeseon Dynasty cleared away the old and sick Hungupa, the conservative force, and went through the period of change for the new morals and public order. In this harsh realities, Takyoung kept his integrity and looked upon himself as a pioneer with is fidelity for the development of political society order. He was a prominent men of the time. He succeeded Kim Jong Sik’s studies in Confucian atmosphere, and was grown as a man, who emphasized loyalty and justification, with historical consciousness. Also, he became a man of insight in overall politics through over 10 years of Ungansic and Sijongsic in government position. He, as a scholar seeking consistency of knowledge and behavior, tried to apprehend the society through the common people’s eyes and considered appeasing the people as a key of politics. In particular, He wished for the nation to recover sprit of nation and get forward to the revival through “Make the History Right”Even through he was excuted by Muosawha, he was a symbol and will of resist of the times despite his short life. Takyoungkum, which he was used to play, is a treasure to represent scholar’s taste for the arts and his posthumous works have been received high praise. Dodong-Seowon is built in the period of Injo of Joseon dynasty in Mokcheon, Chungcheongdo. According to Takyoungyeonbo, Takyoung, in his twenty four on April in 1487(18th years of Sungjong), had Mrs. Yean Kim, whose father is Kim Mi Son, as his second wife in Hoseo Mokcheon on July in 1489(20th years of Sungjong), Since then, he had lived in Mokcheon, and he built Jukriljungsa near the villa in the valley of Mountain Jakseong in 1492(23th years of Seongjong. According to the other record, the Seowon is built in this place and it was when Hangang Junggu prepared the ground for the school, found Jukrim, whichk is Seokgak, and built Jukrimjungsa. It is not sure if it was built with Sawu, religious rite for Jusa, in turn, it was used for worshipping Takyoung Kim Il Son and Hangang Junggu, and used for Hucheon Whangjonghae as well in Injo Kichuk. There is Seowon village, where the Dodong-Seowon was, in the southeastern valley of Mountain Ens대k in Bukmyeon and Byeongchenmyeon in Cheonan, Chungcheongnamdo. It was called “Gaemok” but after Dodong-Seowon was built in Injo period, it was changed to Seowonri, became just a part of byeonchenri, and only the name of village is remained now.

Some thoughts on Confucian views of Damheon Hong Daeyong

진예숙 | 2012, 24(1) | pp.143~181 | number of Cited : 2

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The Consciousness and Subjective Sensation for the Poems of Ahn-Chook

Kang Dong Seok | 2012, 24(1) | pp.183~204 | number of Cited : 4

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A study on 「Yuhalim-Yung-Sabuin-Go-Sadang-ga劉翰林迎謝夫人告祠堂歌」

Ryu Jun Kyung | 2012, 24(1) | pp.205~240 | number of Cited : 3

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A Study on Gyeongam Eungyun’s Mountain Dweller Literature (山居文學)

DongJae Lee | 2012, 24(1) | pp.241~275 | number of Cited : 4

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The objectives of this study were to examine the mountain dweller literature of Gyeongam Eungyun who entered the Byeoksong-sa Temple in Mt. Jiri in the late 18th century and was praised as a great master of ZenBuddhism(禪敎) and to discuss its meaning in literature history. Gyeongam Eungyun (1743-1804) is a Buddhist monk who was in activity during the reign of King Jeongjo in the Chosun Dynasty. His secular family name is Min (閔氏) from Yeoheung, and his initial Dharma name was Gwansik but renamed Eungyun later and his Dharma pseudonym is Gyeongam. Although most of his life was committed to Buddhism (佛門), Gyeongam lived a life of Seungsokbulyi (僧俗不二: Monks and common people are not different), an idea acknowledging the philosophy and value system of Confucianism, like other monks in the late Chosun Dynasty, and his later years until his death were devoted to Zen training (禪修行). His will and pursuit of Seungsokbulyi sometimes raised conflicts with his colleague monks and brought him internal conflicts with himself. For Gyeongam, Mt. Jiri was the ground of his life, a place for pleasure (遊樂), and a space for Zen training(修禪). He took pleasure in exchanging poems with secular Confucians who visited the mountain and led a life of Jayeonilyeo(自然一如 - Becoming one with nature) like a mountain hermit, and sometimes he gave himself over to deep Zen meditation (禪定). His life and philosophy as such were manifested in 83 poems written by him in various forms. A characteristic of his poetic world is the expression of his practice of Seungsokbulyi. It was because the Buddhist circle in those day advocated the theory that Confucianism and Buddhism are the same (儒彿一致論) and, based on this idea, he travelled around Mt. Jiri and exchanged poems together with Confucians as a part of his Seungsokbulyi life. Second, his poems reveal his leisurely life of Ansinnakdo (安身樂道 - The way of enjoying peace by comforting the body). Since he entered into Buddhism at the age of 13, Mt. Jiri had been the base of his life. Despite his composure in Ansinnakdo, he hinted his being captured by Manhaeng (萬行 – Secular thoughts) and resultant mental conflicts, but through most of his life he lived in Mt. Jiri and enjoyed Ansinnakdo. Third, his poems pursue Ilsimbeopgye (一心法界 - One mind encompassing the whole universe). As the great master of Zen Buddhism, Gyeongam had deep understanding of Hua-Yen thought and outstanding Zen knowledge. Emphasizing one mind, which is the true entity of all things in the universe, his idea and life track sought harmony rather than confrontation and discrimination. The meaning of Gyeongam’s mountain dweller poems in literature history is found in that they show the expansion and generalization of poetry writers to monks in provincial areas. What is more, the contents of his poems are meaningful in that they exhibit Gyeongam’s view of literature versifying his experiences different from other views of literature in his days.

A Study of Gyeong’am Kim Nosu’s “Jahakgo”

Shin, Sang Hyun | 2012, 24(1) | pp.277~302 | number of Cited : 3

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This paper first examines the background and purpose of the compilation; analyzes the structure and content, and last, considers the significance of “Jahakgo” 字學考 written by Gyeong’am 敬菴 Kim Nosu 金魯洙 (1878-1956). Gyeong’am is the 13th descendant of the renowned scholar Kim Inhoo 金麟厚 (1510-1560). He was a Confucian scholar originally from Ulsan, lived through the end of the Chosun Dynasty and Japanese Occupation. He studied under Song Byungseon (1836-1905), and was associated with Yoon Nak Yeon and scholars of that time. “Jahakgo” was published in the winter of 1945 when Gyeong’am was 67 in order to rid of the harmful effects caused by the mass distribution of various forms of sokja (secular form of Chinese character); it helped the country standardize the characters. At that time, he realized that sokja circulated massively as “Kyujang-jeonun” 奎章全韻, “Chonun-okpyeon” 全韻玉篇, and “Kangxi-zidian” 康熙字典 were used concurrently. To rectify this, he referred to “Kyujang-jeonun” to correct mistakes found in “Chonun-okpyeon”; and referred to “Kangxi- zidian” for the mistakes found in “Kyujang-jeonun”. The compilation of “Jahakgo” is significant in that it reveals that the character form in “Kyujang-jeonun” and “Chonun-okpyeon” should be made as standard. He compiled “Jahakgo” in order to oppose the policies abolishing classical Chinese writing installed by the US Military Government in Korea (USMIGK) and those powers supporting the USMIGK. It can also be seen as a part of the foundational references of Korean-Classical Chinese Mixed Script 國漢文倂用. We can see that since the late Chosun Dynasty, “Kyujang-jeonun” and “Chonun-okpyeon” has continued with tradition and kept the role of a standard preface. However, in actuality, “Kyujang-jeonun” is used as the primary, and “Chonun-okpyeon” and “Kangxi-zidian” as references, in revisions.

Understanding on the text of the Analects through comparative study of Collected Explanations of the Analects and Collected Annotations on the Analects[5]

Kim Yong-Jae | 2012, 24(1) | pp.303~343 | number of Cited : 5

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Study on establishment of representative renderings of Chinese characters for education

hanyounsuk | 2012, 24(1) | pp.345~378 | number of Cited : 7

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Daepyohun (representative rendering) of Chinese characters is established to decrease the confusion of learners by presenting one meaning for one character rather than multiple meanings. The purpose is to protect the traditional method to learn the Chinese characters. Under the condition where the academic background of exegetics was weak, the representative renderings that(incorporated association) Korean language literature council and(incorporated association) Institute of traditional Culture established in 2000 was the best. However, since representative rendering was established, some papers were published to demand that the representative renderings should be changed, single rendering(one meaning) and multiple rendering(two or more meaning) should be established, respectively and the narrative from should be changed. The reason is that the definition and the principle of establishment are insufficient in view of exegetics. The exegetics claimed that array of uihang(items presenting the meaning of Chinese character) in Chinese dictionary should have Bonui(the first meaning that Chinese character has), Inshinui(the meaning derived from the first meaning) and Gachaui(the meaning borrowing other character which has the same pronunciation regardless of Bonui or Inshinui) in orders. Since representative renderings cannot present them all and pick the most representative one, Bonui should be selected for representative rendering. If the Bonui cannot be found, is rarely used or becomes extinct, the basic meaning should be representative rendering. Likewise, if the basic meaning is not sufficient, Inshinui would be representative rendering. If Inshinui is not sufficient, Gachaui being universally used will become the representative rendering. Due to saui movement(other meaning is derived from the meaning of Chinese characters), one character may have up to 40 meanings. However, since Bonui has the most representative and summarizes every meaning under any situation and condition, it can be utilized upon interpreting various Chinese characters or sentences and the transition in learning can occur. If 2-3 meanings are given to one Chinese character, it would be the same as before when the meaning was given to publication by their own ways and would destroy the principle of representative renderings. Also there is no need to call it the representative rendering and no reason to establish the representative rendering.

A study on linguistic characteristics of Chinese character - Concentrated on ‘Chinese character part’ of Curriculum of Korean Classical Chinese Education

SunyoungJung | 2012, 24(1) | pp.379~403 | number of Cited : 0

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Analyses of the Criteria for Decision on, and Amendment Aspects of, Shapes of ‘the Basic Chinese Characters for Chinese Classics Education’

Kim, Young-og | 2012, 24(1) | pp.405~429 | number of Cited : 6

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This paper aims to examine the criteria for decision on shapes of basic Chinese characters for Chinese classics education and the aspect in which the shapes of characters were amended according to the criteria. In the main subject, the materials after 2000 when the criteria for decision on shapes of ‘The basic Chinese characters for Chinese classics education’ were looked into and, on the basis of the materials, the aspects, in which shapes of ‘basic Chinese characters for Chinese classics education’ were modified, were examined. As a result, it was confirmed that the criteria for decision on shapes of ‘The basic Chinese characters for Chinese classics education’ was primarily based on the shapes of Kangxizidian(康熙字典) block letters from 2010 to the present. After shapes of ‘The basic Chinese characters for Chinese classics education’ were reported in 2000, they were modified and proposed in 2002 and 2007. Especially, in 2007, partial shapes of the existing ‘The basic Chinese characters for Chinese classics education’ were modified and proposed in the shapes of Kangxizidian of block letters. Accordingly, in this paper, the character shapes between 2000 and 2007 was mutually compared and the aspects of changes in character shapes were examined. As a result of that, it was confirmed that the character shapes in 2007 did not take consideration of the character shapes modified and proposed in 2002 and a part of the character shapes modified and proposed did not accord with the criteria for decision on the character shapes. ‘The basic Chinese characters for Chinese classics education’ is the materials constituting the most basic foundation in Chinese classics education. Therefore, the examination of the criteria for decision on shapes of ‘The basic Chinese characters for Chinese classics education’ and study on applying them on a normative basis would be necessary to continue in the future.

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Journal of Korean Classical Chinese Literature 2023 KCI Impact Factor : 0.39

2012, Vol.24, No.1