2009, Vol., No.20

The Regional Size of ‘mansus’ under the System of Classic Manor

Lee, Ki-Young | 2009, (20) | pp.5~44 | number of Cited : 4

The Philosophical Origin of the Modern Atheism －the Cases of Benedictus de Spinoza and Pierre Bayle－

EungJong Kim | 2009, (20) | pp.45~72 | number of Cited : 8

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The purpose of this article is to examine the particular ‘mode’ of the atheism of the 17th century philosophers, Benedictus de Spinoza and Pierre Bayle, and to verify the genetic relationship between the ‘philosophy’ and the atheism. Spinoza and Bayle had the philosophical perspectives in common. They interpreted the religion by means of the ‘reason’, and considered the law of the nature instead of the God’s arbitrary intervention like the miracles to be the Providence. In this sense, they are naturalistic philosopher. They proved the existence of the God, bud their God is different from that of the Christianism. Their religion is moral in that the humans are saved not by the faith but by the good works. They argue that the atheists can be moral because the religion isn’t the sole origin of the morality. In fact, Spinoza and Bayle were the moral atheists. It is natural that both the Catholic church and the Protestant church criticized and condemned them as dangerous atheist. Spinoza is undeniably atheist. Bayle criticized him the most systematic atheist. On the other hand, it isn’t easy to conclude the case of Bayle due to his repetitive confirmations of the fideism and his self-definition as ‘christian philosopher’. I share the opinion of the atheists of the Enlightenment who listed Bayle in the atheist genealogy. So, it is too simple to judge him as fideist. His fideism should be interpreted as the simple reuse of the traditional christian fideism that the religion can’t be grasped by the reason. I think that Bayle took the indirect route to emphasize the unreasonableness of the Christianism. They became atheist because they were philosophers. In the 17th century, the philosophy cannot be compatible with the religion. Though Bayle declared that he was “christian philosopher”, he knew very well that he was obliged to choose between the philosophy and the religion. His fideism is thought to be only apparent. He was a skeptical philosopher. The incompatibility of the 17th century philosophy with the religion issued from its scepticism. The philosophers liberated the reason from the status of the maid of the theology, and then judged the religion in the court of the reason. The Bible was no longer the source of the knowledge but its object. The Bible in the light of the reason is unreasonable and erroneous. They are interested in the deism which attached importance to the rational religiosity. Spinoza and Bayle can be classified among the deists. In spite of the theistic appearance of the deism, the deism isn’t different from the atheism, in the viewpoint of the christianism.

Compte rendu au Roi par Necker: Financial Reforms and Public Opinion

Yoon Eun Joo | 2009, (20) | pp.73~100 | number of Cited : 2

Travel account of the French missionaries in Korea from 1831 to 1886

김은영 | 2009, (20) | pp.101~130 | number of Cited : 5

The travel account has ambiguous status, because it is a pragmatic genre for those who need practical information for the travel, and at the same time, the travel account might be considered as a genre of fantasy for those who will not leave. Above all, the missionaries’ travel accounts might be of use as guide for the new travellers- missionaries. The missionaries wrote about their travels, first of all, for their colleagues who are possible future travellers, in order to share with them their knowledge on the gruelling road and on the new ground to be cultivated. However, this guide for the travellers does not content to give practical information. Especially if the guide is sent to those who are not a part of the future travellers’ group, it might serve rather as collection of wonder stories, since the travellers-missionaries risking to never come back to their own country, send letters to their families or their friends, who expect from the missionaries for wonders of the distant country. A priori, the travel account is not fictional, nevertheless what makes work this genre is not the supposed truth to be expressed by the authors, but the credibility of their descriptions, because it is only the authors-travellers who see ‘really’ things. This scheme is doubtless observed in the travel accounts written by the French missionaries in Korea in the 19th century. However, the aesthetics of the missionary correspondence consists in making the addressees edified. Writing a letter, for the missionaries, is not only an administ- rative necessity but also a spiritual exercise, as it is clearly indicated by the Jesuits. So, for the missionaries, the description’s credibility works, only provided that the description is spiritual. Also, the literary temptation is validated only as stage to make edifying. Consequently, it is not surprising that a more or less identical edifying plot is organized in the missionary travel accounts. To sum up, the missionary literature is a priori non-fictional, whichever the genre is: travel account, edifying story or hagiography. However the missionary literature is conceived with an objective of evangelization whose truth signifies in a particular way. For this evangelistic objective, the travel account is a completely suitable type of writing. It is divided into two obviously independent parts. First half part is structured on a perfectly complete model composed of the tests and a happy end. Second half part is open towards the future by transforming the unknown world into significant world, thanks to the possible evangelization. In this procedure, literary temptation functions. Regarding the travel accounts written by the French missionaries in Korea from 1831 till 1886, the same scheme is observed. Korea could be recognized by the missionaries and theirs readers, provided that it is represented like ground to be evangelized and that the representation of this ground contributes to the edification of the readers and also of the authors themselves.

Image and Representation of the ‘Garçonnes’ in the 1920’s France

JiYoung Moon | 2009, (20) | pp.131~152 | number of Cited : 8

French Nationality Code and the Problem of North African Immigrants, 1986-1993

Myung-Sook Han | 2009, (20) | pp.153~184 | number of Cited : 12

Nation-State has invented many instruments to guarantee its existence and preserve its population and territory. Nationality Code is the category to delineate legal membership in a state. But the boundaries of nation have been historically changed in accordance with its socioeconomic conditions, demographic needs, and military tensions. France that has a long history of immigrations in Europe has also revised its nationality law several times. There are several reasons for France to revise its nationality law in 1980s and 1990s. At first, the origin of immigrants has changed. It was unfamiliar and fearful situation for the old immigrant country France to encounter for the first time. The number of non-European immigrants has exceeded that of European immigrants. Most of them are muslim ex-colonial populations, especially from North Africa. Besides, the children of them grow to get a suffrage in the middle of 1980s. The last reason is that the economic condition of France has deteriorated since the period of Glorious Thirty Years was gone. What the government of France had tried to do was to call for a procedure of will manifestation to the applicants who wanted to acquire the French nationality. The basis of this argument was so-called French nationalism model based on a voluntary assent of its membership in contrast with that of German ethnical relation. Although it is impossible to apply this French model to every period coherently, the government consider the will manifestation process as a sign of their assimilation to the French society. Not only National Front but all the major parties of the Right also readopted a logic of E. Renan and emphasized an ideology that France is one and indivisible secular Republic. So they highlighted the religious, cultural difference of muslim immigrants in France, and asked them to assimilate voluntarily with French secular Repu- blicanism. But the real intention under the French national rhetoric was to exclude many North African muslim immigrants and their children from the French society. The exclusionary reform of nationality code proposed in 1986 failed after two years of struggle. Despite of seeming failure, substantive change in muslim integration practices became evident when Hijab Affair occurred. Finally, a restrictive revision of the code was passed by a newly elected conservative government in 1993. Although a reinstalled Socialist government in 1997 has abolished these revised articles, it is obvious that the distrust and the doubt about muslim immigrants have not disappeared in the French society.

‘Strangers’ in France represented in <La Haine>

Dahn Park | 2009, (20) | pp.185~207 | number of Cited : 9

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2009, Vol., No.20