2012, Vol., No.26

Lee, Ki-Young | 2012, (26) | pp.5~38 | number of Cited : 2

In the Later Roman Empire and the Germanic society before the Great Migration, there were a considerable landed slaves and freedmen who were performing labor services for landlord’s domain like peasants of the classic manor. Dependent tenant farmers called colonus who were from free men were dominated by landlords privately exercising some public powers of tax-collecting, soldiers-recruiting, public peace maintaining, etc. The production relation and non-economic compulsion of the classic manor were formed in earnest, based on the ancient heritage during the early Middle Ages. The formation process of lord’s power can be traced through many immunities which kings of the Frankish kingdom granted to the Churches. At first, immunity was exemption from such public charges as tax and service. Immunity included police power at the close of the 6th century or the beginning of the 7th century, and included jurisdiction from the late 7th century on. In the 8th century the granting of immunity including jurisdiction increased continually, and especially Charlemagne conferred many immunities on the great churches. Thus in the beginning of the 9th century lord’s power occupying governmental authority of judging, tax-collecting, public peace maintaining, etc. was established. Such development of lord’s power kept pace with the formation process of production relation we can see in the classic manor. The formation process of production relation and non-economic compulsion on the royal domains and secular magnates’ estates was almost the same as on the church estates. On the other hand, manumission in the type of freedman and landed slaves increased from the end of the 7th century on. In the early 8th century, it was enacted that landed slaves carried out half his labor for the landlord’s domain, and both they and colonus were dominated by the same estate manager exerting jurisdiction. In the 9th century, regardless of whether he was from free man or non-free man, all dependent peasants carried out labor services in the classic manor of the same structure and under the same lord’s power.

A Study on Pope Gregory VII’s Reforms on the Rome Synod and the Papal Legates

Young-Jae Lee | 2012, (26) | pp.39~62 | number of Cited : 2

Politics and Language: Language Strategy of Valois Kingshipin the First Half of the 14th Century

홍용진 | 2012, (26) | pp.63~91 | number of Cited : 8

In order to understand the political communication between the kingship and the political society, it is natural to focus the problem of language as its medium, especially the language strategy carried by the kingship. The kingship under the first Valois, Philip VI and John II is very remarkable and its language politics was already studied by Serge Lusignan who presented the contrast between Philip VI, first user of the French in the royal acts and John II, returning to the Latin. But in relation to the formidable research of Serge Lusignan, we must avoid constructing a connection between the Latin and the power of Church, on the one hand, and between the French and the power of State, as secularized power, on the other. Id est, the ecclesiologic use which establishes a dichotomy between the authoritative Latin of the clerks and the vulgar vernaculars of the laymen is no more in question. A novelty with the birth of the modern State is not the use of the vernacular language itself, but a new mode of tactical application of languages in function of the political situations. This problem conducts us to research the royal acts belonging to the political field according to the language employed, the status of receivers and the political themes. In spite of the difference between Philip VI and John II, they hold a language strategy in common, a new attitude toward the language. A language is a medium selected in order to persuade effectively the members of the political society of their legitimity. In this strategy the hierarchy of the languages is demolished and the languages are interchangeable in function of the political situations. It is a new phenomena in the medieval life of language, appeared with the reigns of Philip VI and John II, in the time of the political crises that push the necessity of the political communication.

The Political Laicization in the Early Modern France: From the Religious Wars to the Rise of Reason of State

LIM Seung Hwi | 2012, (26) | pp.93~116 | number of Cited : 4

After the Day of Dupes in 1630, Mathieu de Morgues, vehement writer anti-cardinal, bemoaned that “The France had no religion except the religion of State.” What does it mean? A pamphet written by a man of Richelieu, the Catholique d’Etat, provides the identity of this new religion. The argument of the Catholique d’Etat starts with a religious conception of the royal power in order to develop the ultimate principle of the separation between politic et religion. The “divine right” was the key weapon to assure the independence of the king’s power against the Church. The Catholique d’Etat, which presumed the State as the supreme law, asserts the inevitable political laicization. The State, armed with an autonomy and the sovereignty, became the public power running by political rationalism and realism. This political laicization in the French absolute monarchy probably began by the Religious War from 1562 to 1598, which was in effect the matrix of the french political culture. From this war emerged one arbitrary: the sovereign State of divine right. At the very moment, the State of France began to reign as the pacifier capable of imposing the public order to the different confessions which were antagonistic, because the state had the religious legitimacy, superior to the Church. This concept implies a theological revolution which enhanced the royal authority higher than the religious faith. The State separated from the religion was endowed with its proper religious authority, since then the religious was subordinated to the politic by the name of the public religiosity. It was this theological/political matrix where began the political laicization in France. However this laicization does not mean the laicization of the society, in other words, the end of the religion itself. In effect, the French monarchy pursued the political laicization, but, being not capable of dispeling completely the traditional logic of catholicism, it could not help appearing as an innovative reinterpretation of the traditional theology.

D’Holbach’s Natural Philosophy and the Atheism

EungJong Kim | 2012, (26) | pp.117~136 | number of Cited : 1

The Advent of the Joint-Stock Banks and Crédit Mobilier in the Mid-19th Century France

JiYoung Moon | 2012, (26) | pp.137~163 | number of Cited : 4

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2012, Vol., No.26