2010, Vol., No.32

Formation of Myuncheoneupchi and Myuncheon's Local Gentry during the Choson Dynasty

Kyungsoo Kim | 2010, (32) | pp.5~47 | number of Cited : 0

Myuncheon, which is located in Dangjin, Chungnam, was the important place for the politics, economy and defence of the local area, the pathway to go to the capital city, and the key place for the land transportation to connect the area with the outside world until the reorganization of administrative districts in 1914. For the native clans, the organization of the clans showed little change, which reveals that the clans took the leadership in the area and on the other hand few new family clans and powerful clans moved into the area. The successful applicants of the licentiate examination(Samasi) centered on the specific family clans and the family clans with particular genealogy; the area consisted of the native clans, such as the Myuncheon Bok family, the Myuncheon Park family, Shinpyeong Lee family, and the family clans that produced successful applicants of the Samasi and became powerful, such as the Jeonju Lee family, Duksu Lee family, Yangcheon Choi family. Both native and growing clans formed the local gentry through the mutual control and compromise. The successful applicants of the Samasi started to emerge in Myuncheon at the late period of the Choson Dynasty, which demonstrates that it was not until at the late period of the Choson Dynasty that the family clans which moved into the area since the middle period of the Choson Dynasty settled in the area. During the opening of ports to foreign trade and the Japanese colonial period of Korea, there were some family clans, such as the Andong Kwon family, the Neungsung Gu family, the Buan Kim family and the Hampyeong Jeong family who did not produce the successful applicants of the Samasi but gained some influence in this area; on the contrary, the Yangcheon Heo which had the successful applicants of the national examination(Kwageo) lost influence. It shows that after the colonial period, the former family clans gained power after moving into the area while the latter moved out of the area or declined.

The Contents and Characteristics of the Land Survey Registers in the Japanese Colonial Period

WonKyu Choe | 2010, (32) | pp.49~104 | number of Cited : 9

The Status of Chung-Ang Kindergarten on Modern Care-Educational History during the Japanese Colonization

Kim, Hyung-Mog kim | 2010, (32) | pp.105~148 | number of Cited : 3

The Movement for Authorizing the Private Secondary School and Colonial Modern Education Field in Korea during the 1920s and 1930s

장규식 , Park Hyunok | 2010, (32) | pp.149~199 | number of Cited : 26

Colonial modern education field in Korea was interwoven by diversified education agents concerning education policy such as Goverment-General of Korea, school managers, students, and so on. Along with the Second Chosun Gyoyukryong (Ordinance on Education of Korea, 1922), which formulated a hierarchical education system in the direction of common school (Botong Hakgyo: elementary school) - higher common school (Godeung Botong Hakgyo: middle and high school) - college - university, the secondary school education system consisted of two sides, institutionalized middle school (Godeung Botong Hakgyo) versus non-institutionalized school (Gakjong Hakgyo). Here the status of private secondary school was aligned within the policy. The norm to determine the authorized status chiefly depended upon whether it adapted to colonial education system. Reorganizing the education system similar to that of Japan through the Second Chosun Gyoyukryong (1922), Goverment-General of Korea made a strategy that divided schools into two groups in terms of institutional and non-institutional education. The strategy was to discriminate non-institutionalized schools by inflicting some loss to them, while they offered various opportunities like advanced academic course and jobs to the institutionalized schools. As a reaction to this ‘divide and rule’ strategy while it gave gradually rise to excessive valuing of academic background, there had appeared a movement promoting authorization of the private non-institutionalized school. The movement for authorizing the private secondary school stemmed from an allied strike of students developed into two directions; one was an attempt to rise to formal higher common school and the other was to authorize the degree school offered. Whereas the secular private school wished the former, the mission schools, especially managed by the presbyterian denomination, led to the latter. If the mission schools were authorized to be higher common school, they could not offer bible study in their education program. In this sense, the presbyterian schools preferred the status of the designated school (Jijung Hakgyo) which could offer degree at the same time maintaining an independent status to have Christian education program. It is necessary, thus, to understand such the difference in authorizing movement not on the basis of bipolar opposition between colonial education and national education, but among three, colonial education, national education, and Christian education. Authorizing the private school within the dominion of colonial education system, however, does not imply carrying the Japanese occupation fully on the educational field of colonial Korea. It was because the managers of private schools also tried to make room for national or Christian education, despites limits. Therefore, we can conclude that the modern education field of colonial Korea was the place where ‘assimilation’ and ‘differentiation’ were pursued together.

Communication and Healing on Anti-Christianity in Early 20th Century China - With Reference to Catholic Priest Vincent Lebbe -

Choi, Byung-Wook | 2010, (32) | pp.201~236 | number of Cited : 12

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Since 19th century, the reasons why there was anti-Christian movement in China were that Catholic church in China was subordinate to the French church, not under direct control of the Vatican, and also Catholic missionaries imperialistic attitude. Although there was possible discord in the Chinese society keeping Confucian idea, which led to anti-Christian movement, it is not deniable that imperialistic attitude of missionaries was apparently responsible for it. Accordingly, this kind of internal reflection must take precedence to overcome blind chauvinism, anti-Christianity and even anti-religion sentiment of China. The internal reflection began to appear in the Catholic church after a hugh national and social sacrifice by the Boxer Rebellion in the early 20th century, but before this incident, there was a handful Catholics who intended to cure anti-Christianity sentiment and social harmful effect. In particular, absolute majority Catholic missionaries in China didn't think about it. But, some western missionaries criticized Catholic's imperialistic attitude: Vincent Lebbe in Nazarus orders from Belgium was typical. Lebbe criticized imperialistic attitude of Catholic church in China trying to reform the Church in China. He requested the Vatican to appoint Chinese bishop for independency of Chinese church, and also to establish Catholic university in China for higher education. He not only asked for change of Catholic church in China, but also endeavored to harmonize himself with the Chinese and the society. He showed a social improvement of China as well as matters of Catholic church through newspapers and magazines. He volunteered to Chinese troop during the anti-Japanese war to cure the injured soldiers. He attempted to communicate with China ceaselessly not only as a religious person, but also as a Chinese. He communicated with Chinese people not as Vincent Lebbe but as Lei Ming Yuan(雷鳴遠) playing an important role in curing anti-Christianity in China.

‘満洲国’ 警察と地域社会 ― 経済警察の活動とその矛盾を中心に ―

Tanaka Ryuichi | 2010, (32) | pp.237~271 | number of Cited : 2

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The Public Speech as a Political Dialogue in the Middle Roman Republic

Kim Kyung Hyun | 2010, (32) | pp.273~306 | number of Cited : 2

영국 옥스퍼드 대학의 석좌교수인 Fergus Millar가 공화정 후기 콘티오(contio)의 정치적 중요성에 대해 역설한 이래, 콘티오는 로마 공화정의 민주정적 요소를 대변하는 제도적 장치로 인식되어 왔다. 그러나 최근 런던 대학의 Mouritsen교수는 콘티오에 참석했던 자들이 누구인지를 집중적으로 검토함으로써, 콘티오의 정치적 역할이 지나치게 강조되었다고 주장하고 있다. 그의 주장처럼 콘티오에 참석한 자들이 항상 로마 인민을 대표하는 것이 아니며, 또 정치가들에 의해 동원되거나 조종될 수 있었다. 그러나 그의 주장을 콘티오에 참석한 자들에게 모두 적용시킬 수는 없다. 콘티오에 어떤 자들이 참석하였는가를 정확하게 규명하기는 매우 어렵기 때문이다. 로마의 시민은 중요한 입법안을 통과시키고 정무관을 선출하는 그리고 중요한 사법적 판단을 내리기 위해 민회에서 자신의 참정권을 사용한다. 그러나 로마의 민회는 투표를 하는 코미티아(comitia)와 투표를 하기 전에 개최되는 일종의 공청회, 즉 콘티오로 구성되어 있다. 따라서 이런 로마 특유의 제도적 장치를 간과하는 것보다는 그것을 이해하려고 노력하는 것이 더욱 합리적인 접근태도일 것이다. 콘티오는 보통 정보를 얻고 연설을 듣거나 자신의 견해를 표현하기 위해 공청회장을 찾는 로마 시민들의 모습을 연상시킨다. 그러나 콘티오란 단어가 원래 집회뿐만 아니라 그곳에서 행해졌던 연설을 의미하는 것처럼, 그것은 군중 앞에서 연설을 하고 있는 정치적 지도자들의 모습을 연상시키기도 한다. 물론 로마에서 정치적 연설은 엘리트계층에게만 허용된 것이지만, 정치적 연설이란 연설가의 일방적인 퍼포먼스가 아닌, 연설가와 대중 간의 소통을 원활하게 하는 정치적 대화이다. 따라서 공화정의 정치적 상황을 올바르게 이해하기 위해서는 콘티오와 그곳에서 이루어지고 있는 정치적 대화를 좀 더 심도 있게 검토해야 할 것이다. 물론 이런 접근 방법은 결코 새로운 것이 아니다. 그러나 이 방법은 주로 공화정 후기에만 국한되어 적용되어 왔다. 그래서 필자는 그에 대한 논의를 공화정 중기까지 확대 적용하려 했다. 그러기 위해 필자는 먼저 로마 웅변술의 기원과 발달과정에 대해 검토함으로써, 공화정 중기에 웅변술은 상당히 일반화되어 있었으며, 심지어 웅변술에 대한 이론이 정착되어 있었음을 확인할 수 있었다. 또 필자는 공화정의 정치적 구조와 문화를 검토함으로써, 웅변술이 로마의 정치에서 중요한 부분을 차지할 수밖에 없었던 구조적 상황을 이해하게 되었다. 그리고 마지막으로 비록 일부이긴 하지만 공화정 중기에 실제로 행해졌던 연설들을 검토해봄으로써, 연설이 정치적 무대에서 연설가와 대중 간의 의사소통의 수단으로 자주 이용되고 있었음을 검증해볼 수 있었다. 따라서 로마 공화정 중기의 콘티오도 정치적 지도자들과 기술적으로 주권자인 대중 들 사이의 소통 네트워크에서 중요한 요소를 차지하고 있었음에 틀림없다. 정치적 지도자들이 선거, 입법, 사법적 평결을 위해 대중을 설득해야만 했다는 사실은 공화정 중기 로마의 정체에서 민주정적 요소를 간과해 왔던 기존의 편견을 수정하는 데 도움이 될 것이다.

Slave Agent and Roman Sea Trade in the Early Roman Empire

CHA Young Gil | 2010, (32) | pp.307~335 | number of Cited : 2

The Aims of this paper is to examine the role of the slave agent and Roman sea trade in the early Roman Empire. What I shall here suggest is that all some elements point to the importance of agent business activities conducted on a wide side scale by slaves, activities in which the peculium functions as a kind of apophora system in Roman sea trade. One of the most significant features of this system from the economic point of view was that it enabled a master to engage in sea trade business yet he could do so vicariously. In classical Roman law it is noteworthy how the early jurists had been most reluctant to admit that an agent could serve as a means of producing direct contractual relations between a principal and a third party. For by creating a series of relationships, based on the slave agent, between onself and one's various client freedmen and slaves, an hierachically controlled network of cooperation could be forged, and, unlike the oikos in its usual form, this organisation could be oriented exclusively to business purposes. A further feature suggested above was that the slave agent system allowed the master to operate his business to some degree with ‘limited liability’. Moreover here the business function of this system pointed out which made it so important. ‘How was a rich Roman to reconcile his desire to invest his money in commerce with his dislike himself to engage in sea trade?’ The institution of the peculim and actio de peculio exactly met the need. It was an slave agency with limited liability, since the master would not be liable beyond the peculium, even if he knew of the trade. It also follows that any agreement for the master to share with his slave or to promise an early manumission would have given the slave every incentive to work diligently and to pursue commercial success with ardour.

A Cultural Sociological Approach to the Late Medieval Anti-Semitism

Pilleun Lee-Park | 2010, (32) | pp.337~370 | number of Cited : 0

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2010, Vol., No.32