2016, Vol.31, No.1

Asymmetric Alliance between North Korea and China Reconsidered :Balance of Asymmetry and the Increase of a Smaller State’s Autonomy

Myungsik Ham | 2016, 31(1) | pp.5~28 | number of Cited : 8

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The China Threat Theory Conditions Established to Korea and Military Implications

Lee, Sang-Taek , Yoon, Sungsuk | 2016, 31(1) | pp.29~59 | number of Cited : 3

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Analysis and Effects of Asia-Pacific Maritime Security Strategy

김태성 , Kim, Hyun Seung | 2016, 31(1) | pp.61~91 | number of Cited : 2

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Japan's Political Strategies Against Other Countries and Relations between North Korea and Japan

강용범 , 왕해범 | 2016, 31(1) | pp.93~114 | number of Cited : 2

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In history, the Korean peninsula has been an advanced base of Japan to pursue local hegemony through force and realize an ambition to achieve Mutual Prosperity in East Asia. After World War II, Japan has had a final goal of recovering the position and status of a normal country and furthermore, raising its status to one of the top countries in Asia. In the process of realizing such a national strategy, its colonial rule in the past has become a setback which can not be overcome. In 1965 when the Cold War was at its peak period, under the active intervention of the U.S.A, South Korea and Japan normalized diplomatic relations. Therefore, a better relationship with North Korea has become an important task for Japan's diplomacy before and after the war. Japan's politicians said that Japan does not have any strategies. However, to look at the policies against North Korea which have been developed for about 20 years after the Cold War, it can be understood how clever Japanese strategies against other countries are. First of all, through normalization of diplomatic relations with North Korea, it recovered the status and position of a normal country. Then, under the pretext of the security threat of North Korea, it realized “Military Power” and furthermore it joined in six-party talks to intervene in the multilateral security talks and were prepared for a great military power. As well, Japan's policy against North Korea has adhered to nuclear technology ,missiles, and kidnapping out of the fundamental problems of reflection, apology and compensation. In addition, as Japan has had worse relations with China and South Korea, and is isolated diplomatically, it attempted to escape from this crisis through mitigation of relations with North Korea, and for security law and constitution revision, it mentioned the North Korean Threat Issue to reinforce restraint. After the 4th North Korea Nuclear Test, relations between North Korea and Japan faced the worst crisis. North Korea dismantled a special investigation committee into Japanese kidnappings and Japan has implemented more independent and resolute restraints as well as restraints in the U.N. Security Council. To the Abe administration which has actively executed Constitutional reform, it is suggested that the severe threat of North Korea and aggravated relations between the two countries would be a more desirable strategy.

A Study on Evaluation of Kim Jong-un’s Regime and social change in North Korea: Through North Korean Literature Survey

kang,Dong Wan , KIM HYUNJUNG | 2016, 31(1) | pp.115~146 | number of Cited : 1

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An Empirical Study on the influence of Organization Culture on Performance: Focusing on mediating effect of Knowledge Management

조명 , Jung, Doo Sig | 2016, 31(1) | pp.147~174 | number of Cited : 0

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Changing Environments of the Arctic Region and Korea′s Arctic Policy : Restrictions and Prospects

Yun Jiwon | 2016, 31(1) | pp.175~204 | number of Cited : 5

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The Arctic Region is a region where important values, risks, opportunities, and international cooperation coexist, so it must be approached with utmost emphasis on development and protection. The five coastal countries’ claim of dominion over the North Pole region is the subject of an international legal dispute, as there is currently no actual occupancy or practical governance over the region. These countries lead in the development of the Northern Sea Route (NSR) and resources, but a national border treaty has yet to be concluded. Currently in the Arctic Region the sovereignty of individual countries over the waters is not recognized by the UN Convention on the Law of the Sea, and 200 nautical miles of economic zone is applied to these coastal countries. Defrosting of the Arctic Region has been accelerating due to global warming, which has led Korea to acknowledge the importance of the pole and prompted it to initiate various activities. In future mid-to-long term projects, Korea will have to expand its participation and role in the strategic sense concerning the expansion of territorial space, resource development, native and environment protection, and significant financial support for the active use and commercialization of the NSR as a permanent observer of the Arctic Council (AC) since May 2013. A responsive plan must systematically be established to enhance international cooperation concerning the construction of global governance, and the relativity of the coastal countries of the Arctic Region must be considered, particularly with cooperation with Russia. In this context, this article is to analyze the geopolitical and spatial properties of the Arctic region and the restrictions on developing Arctic resources, and consider the problems and means of commercializing the Arctic Ocean route and the role of Korea in the AC. Based on which, counter plan tasks required for a mid-to-long term initiation of an efficient Arctic Policy by Korea will be proposed.

European and South Korean Unemployed Youth in Times of Crisis : An Analysis of Youth Unemployment Related Problems and Policies for the Young

Holger preut | 2016, 31(1) | pp.205~234 | number of Cited : 2

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This paper explores the extent, the causes and the repercussions of youth unemployment in Europe and also South Korea. Youth unemployment is one of the most pressing economic and social problems confronting the EU countries, whose labour markets and economies have been significantly weakened since the onset of the global financial crisis. Southern Europe in particular, but also other regions, has been severely affected by very high youth unemployment rates inducing enormous economic and social costs. Since the Asian economic crisis and the subsequent IMF bailout package, young South Koreans have been confronted with a range of labour market changes that have steadily increased youth unemployment. Commonly first to be fired and last to be hired, young Europeans as well as their South Korean counterparts have become marginalized in the job market and disorientation has created a ‘lost generation’ in Europe and a ‘give-up generation’ in South Korea. Secondly, the paper aims to analyse the political measures taken by European institutions, European states and in South Korea to tackle the youth unemployment crisis. European-wide and EU Commission policies of labour market regulations reveals that although some useful youth-related projects have been introduced in the past decades, many current policies aimed at reducing regional and national unemployment have insufficiently recognised the need for policies entirely devoted to youth unemployment. Instead ‘flexicurity’ has become the focus at the expense of issues such as quality of work, job security and social security. South Korean political responses to the youth unemployment crisis under the ‘Bridge Plan 2020’ have focused on the wage peak system, increasing job training, reducing work hours as well as improving employment relationships. Critics demonstrate an overall lack of welfare policies for the unemployed youth and a weak willingness of large companies to increase their youth employment ratio. All countries in this paper need to enhance their efforts to target the youth in their political decisions.

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The Journal of Northeast Asia Research 2023 KCI Impact Factor : 0.75

2016, Vol.31, No.1