2017, Vol., No.46

A Study on Bibliographic Research of Buddhist Historical Materials

park,yong-jin | 2017, (46) | pp.5~50 | number of Cited : 2

Discrimination Against the Gaeseong Region and the Identity of its People During the Joseon Dynasty

Yang Jeong Pil | 2017, (46) | pp.51~85 | number of Cited : 9

This article examined the identity of people in the Gaeseong region, which is primarily associated with city merchants, and investigated alternative identities unassociated with the city’s trade. A secondary identity of Gaeseong was determined based on political and social discriminations by the Joseon dynasty. Fifteenth century Gaeseong witnessed political injustice in that it was not ineligible for civil service examinations, which opened the door to government posts and allowed private business practices. This state ban was lifted after the sixteenth century, but unequal political treatment continued. People of Gaeseong origin who passed civil service exams were given limited opportunities and only appointed to regional or low-level central office posts. They were also degraded as belonging to the low-status mercantile class. The majority of Gaeseong people were traders and businessmen and looked down upon in the rigid class-oriented Joseon society. Accordingly, they were subjected to political and social abuse. However, Gaeseong citizens endeavored to make improve their opportunities; for example, some yangbans abandoned the state exams, and even though others were entitled to government posts, they indirectly complained about the unfairness of their position and their lack of promotion. Still others made strong bonds with colleagues facing similar situations. Realistically, it was difficult for Gaeseong citizens to act directly against social obstructions since protesting meant defying Joseon itself. Instead, they turned to spiritual consolation by bringing back the proud history of their ancestors. Specifically, the people of Gaeseong re-established the Old Story of Doomoondong, which is a story of martyrs who stood against the founding of the Joseon dynasty. This story gave the people an identity, as descendants of the honorable Koryo men of the late Joseon period. This was their philosophical solution to overcoming the harsh reality in which they found themselves. The Old Story of Doomoondong spread orally during the early Joseon period; it was only after the Hideyoshi Invasion that it was finally recorded and subsequently authorized for inclusion in local geography books. It was officially recognized when king Yeongjo visited Gaeseong in 1740, which enabled local inhabitants to publicly recite the story, which enhanced their pride in their identity. Thus, people of Gaeseong were able to internally share common feelings to combat political and social discrimination, and such movements eventually made a significant impact on their identity.

Comparative Review of Accommodation in Lee Su-kwang’s and Lee Ik’s Discussions of Matteo Ricci's On Friendship

Yongpil Noh | 2017, (46) | pp.87~134 | number of Cited : 0

Agricultural Policy of the Korean Empire

Young Hak LEE | 2017, (46) | pp.135~176 | number of Cited : 6

The Manchurian Incident and Colonization of Korea: Military Movements and the Governor General of Colonized Korea

Youngsuk Gim | 2017, (46) | pp.177~223 | number of Cited : 3

Characteristics of Students at Kyungsung Public Agricultural School during the Japanese Colonial Period: the School Register of Graduates of 1945

Myeong Sook Kim | 2017, (46) | pp.225~261 | number of Cited : 4

This case study examines the characteristics of Kyungsung Public Agricultural School students during Japanese colonial rule by analyzing the school register of the students who graduated in 1945. Kyungsung Public Agricultural School offered public co-education between Korea and Japan and was established in 1918 to foster agricultural expertise based on theory and practical skills in Gyeonggi-do. It aimed to cultivate Korean elite agricultural talents who inherited the advanced agricultural technology of Japan and who contributed to colonial agricultural policy. Among faculty, 70% of the teachers, including the principal, were Japanese, while 80-85% of the students were Korean. Korean students were treated differently than Japanese students by a number of Japanese teachers who were protected by colonial rule. National conflicts were always inherent; however, the school’s Korean students were far superior to Japanese students in academic performance and practical achievement, and they monopolized many prizes, such as a honor awards, attendance prizes, and practical training prizes, as well as being class leaders. Kyungsung Public Agricultural School sought to be the leading agricultural school in the East by providing excellent curricula, teachers, and school facilities, which became the envy of students whose goals were to become elite agriculture experts. The parents of students at Kyungsung Public Agricultural School consisted of 58% farmers and 31.3% workers in modern capitalist occupations, such as public and private enterprises. In the case of farmers, worked small and medium-sized farms and were directly engaged in agricultural management rather than being large-scale landowners. Even the modern bourgeois class of 31.3 % hoped to foster their sons elite agricultural experts through modern agricultural education. In 1941, 88.3% of the students who enrolled faced fierce competition, and by 1945, 82.3% of them were employed. These students were considered the best agricultural elites, belonging to many district agricultural associations(郡農會), and leading agriculture production for war. The students of 1941 were did not graduate and were part of a five-year course, from which they were unable to complete their studies on war the end of Japanese imperialism. They were forcibly dispatched to official organizations to play a partial role in colonial-farm policy.

Discussion of US·USSR military retreat in the UN General Assembly after transfer of the Korean issues to the UN

YOO, JIA | 2017, (46) | pp.263~291 | number of Cited : 3

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The United States (US) suggested division of the 38th parallel north after the Potsdam Declaration because it worried about the vacancy of power in the Korean peninsula after Japan's surrender. A significant possibility existed that the Soviet Union (USSR) would occupy some part of this region; thus, this temporary method was suggested to solve colonial territory issues stemming from the defeat of Japan. The fundamental policy of US military occupation in the Korean peninsula commonly focused on fast transfer of territorial trusteeship and retreat of US military forces. However, the Cold War atmosphere in East Asia was fixated after the second meeting of the US–USSR Joint Commission failed on July 2, 1947. As a result, the US transferred the handling of all Korean issue to the United Nations (UN) to solve external conflict with the USSR and internal disputes between US military command and the Department of States. The UN's 186th plenary meeting, held on December 11, 1948, was the beginning of discussions about Korean issues and US military retreat. On December 12, the 195th (III) general assembly resolution was established, which ordered the creation of the United Nations Temporary Commission on Korea (UNTCOK) to replace the UN's temporary commission in Korea and to inherit all formal projects related to Korea. The missions of the UNTCOK were 1) to watch and confer on the national assembly system based on the free will of the Korean people, 2) to watch actual retreat processes occupants, 3) and to confirm their retreat. On July 27, 1949, the UNTCOK received a second mission to process reports from the Third Codex Committee at their 48th meeting. The UNTCOK confirmed that US military expected a full retreat of forces by June 29, 1949 except for less than 50 air force personnel and 500 Military Advisory Group to the Republic of Korea (KMAG) staff members, who only6 temporally left from the Kimpo Airport to rearrange public administration. Meanwhile, the 28th command order came from the US Army Military Government in Korea (USAMGIK) on November 13, 1945, which was designed to ensure the national security of Korea and declared the official establishment of Korean Security Forces and the Office of the Director of National Defense of the Military Government of Korea. The office included army, navy, and military affairs departments, and it held exclusive operational control of police. The US military retreated to benefit Korea, believing that economic support and building cooperation in Far-East Asian was a more cost effective option. In this way, the US planned to give up responsibility for Korean political, ideological, and diplomatic issues, with the exception of except military issues. This Cold War perspective would allow the US to retain military control if a Korean War broke out.

Recognition o Toyotomi Hideyosi during the Edo Period

KIM MOON JA | 2017, (46) | pp.293~326 | number of Cited : 3

This research examines how recognition of Hideyosi during the Edo Period changed based on contemporary literature from Confucian scholars, classical scholars, statesmen, and Taikôki for the general public. For 200 years of the Edo Period, recognition of Hideyosi was not uniform. In the seventeenth century, during the early Edo Period, neo-Confucian intellectuals who protected the Shogunate regime, in an atmosphere of anti-Hideyosi, critically understood Hideyosi’s invasion of Korea as an unjustifiable war. In recognition of Hideyosi, the invasion of Joseon was identified as the arrogant and atrocious behavior of a shameful man who was ungrateful of Nobunaga. Thus, during this period, criticism of Hideyosi was expected from pro-Shogunate scholars. In the mid-Edo Period, pro-Shogunate scholars continued to denigrate Hideyosi’s achievements, saying that the invasion to Joseon was useless. Most underestimated him as a treacherous man toward Nobunaga from Confucian logic. That is, literature by these scholars does not blindly praise the invasion to Joseon and describes Hideyosi’s limits and mistakes without any omissions or rewrites. However, unlike early scholars, who criticized the complete victory of conquering three Han countries by the Empress Zingu and the invasion of Joseon by Hideyosi, Hideyosi’s invasion was first highly regarded as national defence. Empress Zingu’s military successes and Hideyosi’s invasion were both praised as achievements that showed the divine glory of Japan. Resistance to criticism of Empress Zingu was common among Confucian scholars, who brought foreign theories, such as Buddhism. Statesmen and scholars influenced by classical studies during the late Edo Period intended to protect the country by overseas expansion, targeting Joseon for its proximity to Japan and for conquest as emancipation. In this respect, Hideyosi’s invasion was viewed in a positive light. Additionally, Taikôki literature gained public popularity at this time, and Hideyosi was embellished as the smartest and most perfect man, who made his fortune as a commoner in a strict social hierarchy, rather than focusing on his achievements or expansion-related military prestige. This change was closely related to the Tokugawa shogunate’s power and emancipation, as well as Japan’s defence, and the image of Hideyosi’s as a hero and pioneer of overseas invasion was formed from the mid to late Edo Period, rather than the modern era, in which his image continues to change.

Two ‘China’ image narrated by two historical textbooks about the late Qing Dynasty: Ben Chao Shi Jiang Yi by Wāng Róng Bǎo and Guo Xue Jiang lun Cong Shu by LiúShīPéi

Au Chi Kin | 2017, (46) | pp.327~359 | number of Cited : 0

The adaptation of Christians to society in the late first century and the early second century

Gi moon Jung | 2017, (46) | pp.361~389 | number of Cited : 0

All Souls' Day and Cluny's Funeral

Jeong-Min Lee | 2017, (46) | pp.391~417 | number of Cited : 2

A Critical Discourse on Bhabha’s Deconstructive Readings of Fanon

Kim, Hyun-sik | 2017, (46) | pp.419~457 | number of Cited : 1

Decolonization and ‘New French People’ –Algerian Immigrants and Modification of Nationality Law

Dahn Park | 2017, (46) | pp.459~487 | number of Cited : 1

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History Education and Citizenship Education : A Review

Cho,Han-Ook | 2017, (46) | pp.489~510 | number of Cited : 4

Residing and reclamation: Relocation of the capital Eight Banners to the northeast during the Qing Dynasty

허혜윤 | 2017, (46) | pp.511~537 | number of Cited : 2

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The Establishment of the Great King Temple and its Meanings in Anhui Province during the Qing Periods

Kim, Du-Hyun | 2017, (46) | pp.539~587 | number of Cited : 3

This article explores the establishment of the Great King Temple (金龍四大王廟) in Anhui Province as a means of preventing flood disasters. The temple was first established in commercial towns (市鎭) in major river basins or in the polder (圩田) areas on both sides of the Yangtze River. The Great King was worshiped among residents along the Yangtze River, the Huaihe River, and the canal, all of which are geomorphic features of Anhui Province, where frequent flooding occurs in shallow water systems that threatens the safety of passengers using these waterways as well as freight traffic. Such flooding not only damages people and property but also damages and changes the riverbeds themselves, which is a natural process. Inhabitants of the main water system worshiped the Great King as a spirit of protection of life and property during frequent floods. Originally a god of the Yellow River, the Great King was awarded a seal by the state, resulting in the recognition of the Great King as a god of water transportation. Rooted in Anhui Province, where the characteristics of both the earlier and later versions of the god overlapped, the Great King was primarily worshiped by itinerant traders and local officials and gentry. The adoption of Great King worship among merchants facilitated his characteristics as a water and business god (行業神). Religious rites of the Great King related to spring and autumn were adopted by the state, which accepted and propagated the religion, resulting in such worship taking root in the private sector in relation to waterway security and flood safety. Most Great King Temples were built in rural towns (鄕鎭), where merchants, gentry, and villagers all participated, making it possible to estimate the degree of acceptance and expectations of this civilian faith among followers. In particular, the process of spreading the religion to the Anhui Province, although limited to certain regions, was facilitated by itinerant traders (客商), who helped establish worship of the Great King nationwide. In Anhui Province, 58 temples were established in 30 subprefectures and districts after the Shunzhi (順治) periods. The Temple of Digangzhen (荻港鎭) in Fanchang (繁昌) County and in the Wuwei (無爲) subprefecture were not built by local people but by Huizhou (徽州) and Zhejiang (浙江) merchants, respectively. Both of these areas were commercial cities relying on water transportation, and there was a psychological expectation to secure a safe distribution channel for visitors. Although it cannot be confirmed due to the lack of concrete data, it seems that worship of the Great King as a god of water transportation and maritime business was a function of guild halls in the Wuhe (五河) District. In the Quanjiao (全椒) District in the Chuzhou (滁州) subprefecture, the Great King was introduced by foreigners; the area originally was a reception site for the temple of Angong (晏公廟), indicating not only the frequent passage of merchants and ships but also the significance of the area for transportation of national taxes. In the fourteenth year of the Kangxi (康熙) emperor, the Temple of Great King was built under the leadership of the district magistrate. Later, boatmen (船戶) re-established worship in the seventh year of the Dongzhi (同治) emperor. Although the benefits expected from worship of the Great King differed, a common benefit was stability. As the religion of the Great King spread throughout the main transportation route of Anhui Province, his identify as a guardian of water transportation become more prominent than his identity as a river god (河神). Frequent natural disasters also affect the form of civilian religion. There are various types of civilian temples in Anhui province, such as the Yuwang Temple (禹王廟), the Sea King Temple (龍王廟), the Liumengjiangjun Temple (劉猛將軍廟), and the Angong Temple (晏公廟). Most of these temples were established earlier time than the Temple of the Great King. In the case of the Wuhe (五河) District and the Sizhou (泗州) subprefecture, the Huaihe (淮河), Kuai (澮河), Tonghe (潼河), and Chunghe (漴河) rivers converge; thus, the temple in Wuhe District was built at a Fishmonger’s hall (魚商會館), which later functioned as a guild hall and temple. The Great King as a guardian of water transportation and business directly influenced reestablishment of his temple under the leadership of DubanWuheYanli (督辦五河鹽釐) XuLongA (許隆阿) in the fifteenth year of the Guangxu Emperor (光緖), which included the breaking of an embankment (河決) of the Zengzhou (鄭州) in Henan Province (河南省), during the thirteenth year of the Guangxi emperor. After this reestablishment, the function of the guild hall included use as a temple, Fishmonger hall (魚商會館), and salt merchant hall (鹽商會館). Salt merchants participated in the reestablishment process because of concern about reduced salt production due to flooding. Thus, the religion of the Great king was superimposed on prior worship of water protection gods, gods of business, and gods of rivers and water. In the Taihe Districe (太和縣) in the Yingzhou subprefecture (潁州府), Jing District (涇縣) in the Ningguo subprefecture (寧國府), Wuyuan District (婺源縣) in the Huizhou subprefecture (徽州府), Fengtai District (鳳臺縣) in the Fengyang subprefecture(鳳陽府), and the polder (圩田) areas of the Yangtze River, flooding was a common concern that supported worship of the Great King, who was believed to provide protection from flood damage.

The Roles of the Chinese Cotton Millowner’s Association in Response to the Recession in the Cotton Textile Industry after the First World War

Kim Ji Hwan | 2017, (46) | pp.589~623 | number of Cited : 1

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Cross-border Trade and Marriage: Case Study of a Chinese Yunnan Minority Village

Ahn Chi-Young , Chang, Jung-a | 2017, (46) | pp.625~655 | number of Cited : 3

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The current Chinese border was demarcated in the modern era. Acknowledging the gap between traditional living spaces and modern borders, this study provides an overview of cross-border trade, marriage, and state management in a minority village in Yunnan Province, China. It is based on extensive fieldwork carried out in cooperation with Chinese academy. Situated along the border between China and Laos, the village is populated by approximately 500 Dai people (傣族) in 110 families mainly, with Han Chinese and Hani minorities. As border inhabitants, the Dai people are endowed with special border-crossing cards that allow them to cross the border more freely than inland peoples. The village territory is large, and the inhabitants mainly engage in agriculture and raising livestock, such as cows and pigs. Due to the village’s proximity to Laos, they also participate in various economic exchanges with the Laotians, including cross-border trade and commercial aid. In fact, the current Chinese border bisects the territory that traditionally defines the economic network of the Dai people. While the Dai villagers rarely intermarry with inland ethnicities, marriage with Laotian Dai people is common, and such cross-border marriages differ in several respects from typical international marriages. First, the fluid border means that villagers are able to freely meet and become acquainted with one another. Second, a similar language and culture mitigate friction both before and after marriage. Third, shared customs and holidays facilitate the maintenance of relationships between married couples and extended family. Since cross-border marriages are connected to border management in both countries, they have been periodically influenced by international relations. When a cross-border Dai couple marries, the Laotian wife commonly comes to live in China. The marriage registration procedure in China is relatively simple, but instances in which a bride formally enters a Chinese household (hukuo) or becomes a Chinese nationality are few. According to Chinese policy, however, the children of Laotian mothers enter the household register under their Chinese father to avoid problems when entering school or finding jobs. Despite the fact that Laotian wives are excluded from the household register, they are treated as equals in this village, with respect to land distribution. This paper investigates how the Dai of this village in Yunnan Province use their special designation as border inhabitant to freely move back and forth across the Chinese–Laos border to engage in trade and marriage. Although concessions are made for these people, China’s border management differs from region to region. Future studies should focus on the interaction between border management and the behavior of border peoples.

Recent Changes to Petitions [Xinfang] and Policy Responses in China: Focusing on the Northeast Region of Sichuan Province

CHO, Hyungjin | 2017, (46) | pp.657~696 | number of Cited : 0

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중앙사론 2023 KCI Impact Factor : 0.76

2017, Vol., No.46