KJCKorea
Journal Central

The Dokseo Sampumgwa(讀書三品科), which was implemented of the Late Silla Period, was a system to select government officials with Confucian knowledge. As in the “Samguk Sagi(三國史記)”, it changed the Silla society in that it changed from the previous selection of talent through archery to a selection method that evaluates the level of Confucianism. The content of The Dokseo Sampingwa indicates that it was modeled after the Tang dynasty’s Myeonggyeonggwa(明經科), one of the state examination, as seen in the addition of the Libu Shi(禮部試) to the Tang’s exam system and the inclusion of an oral examination, known as koushi (口試), in the Myeonggyeonggwa. King Wonseong, who established The Dokseo Sampingwa, aimed to strengthen royal authority by granting eligibility to those who were not from the Gukhak(國學). However, those who had previously held an advantage by coming from the Gukhak sought to maintain their dominance through The Munjeok(文籍). This led to significant problems in the state’s administrative practices, as pointed out by Nokjin(祿眞) during King Heondeok’s reign. However, this was not an issue unique to Silla at the time. In the Tang dynasty, the state sought to strengthen royal authority by directly intervening in the selection of officials through the Gukjagam(國子監). However, as the Myeonggyeonggwa that was closely linked to the Gukjagam declined, the Jinsagwa(進士科) became more prevalent, which was not associated with the Gukjagam. In Japan, although measures were taken to broaden the entrance qualifications for the Daigakuryo(大學僚), a phenomenon emerged where aristocratic families monopolized the official positions within the Daigakuryo. In Silla, the limitations of The Dokseo Sampingwa led to an increase in the number of students studying in Tang dynasty. These students went to China to pass the Bingong Section(賓貢科). The Bingong Section was a type of Jinsagwa for foreigners, and successful candidates could receive official positions in the Tang government. Although these students obtained positions in the Tang government, they returned to Silla due to practical issues related to their treatment and status in China.

The purpose of this paper is to examine the significance of the reform of local governance during the reign of King Myeongjong(明宗) of Goryeo. The Myeongjong period is noteworthy for the completion of the “Juhyeonhwa(主縣化) of Sokhyeon(屬縣)” and the strengthening of the inspection function of Do(道) level. First, during Myeongjong’s reign, the number of Gammu(監務) was increased in 68 counties. As of 1176, the total number of counties and districts was 410, with 70 Juhyeon, 191 Sokhyeon, and 149 Gammu. The proportion of Sokhyeon decreased to 46.59% of the total counties. After Myeongjong’s reign until the end of the Goryeo dynasty, only about 13 counties were transitioned from Sokhyeon to Juhyeon. Therefore, the reforms during Myeongjong’s time can be seen as the conclusion of the concentration of the “Juhyeonhwa of Sokhyeon” that had been underway since the reigns of King Yejong(睿宗) and Myeongjong. Along with the spread of Gammu across the country, the inspection function at the Do level was strengthened. The 5 Do were reorganized into 7 Do, and officials such as Ancheolsa(按察使) and Chalbangsa(察訪使) were sent to more narrowly defined regions. In particular, the appointment of Chalbangsa in 1178 resulted in a thorough inspection that uncovered about 990 Suryeong(守令) and Hyangri(鄕吏), an unprecedented and powerful inspection measure. Additionally, inspections by the Yanggye(兩界) Byeongmasa(兵馬使) and the 5 Do Ancheolsa became even more emphasized. The newly appointed Gammu were also subject to inspections. As a result, the inspection function at the Do level became stronger, establishing a hierarchical local governance structure of “Hyangri-Suryeong-Ancheolsa” where the Suryeong supervised the Hyangri, and the inspectors oversaw the Ancheolsa.

Sejong’s and Jeong Inji’s prefaces are texts that assert the legitimacy of the political act of creating Hunminjeongeum(The Proper Sounds for the Instruction of the People, 訓民正音). The rhetorical devices used in these political texts do not, in themselves, explain the meaning of the political act. Therefore, this paper did not seek to find the intent, motivation, or purpose of the creation of Hunminjeongeum in the superficial descriptions of the two prefaces. Instead, it focused on the inherent role of political texts in asserting the legitimacy of political acts, and was interested in how the Preface by the King(御製序) asserts the legitimacy of the creation of Hunminjeongeum. In other words, it attempted to approach Sejong’s chosen writing strategy and its logic. To this end, Jeong Inji’s preface, which supports the Preface by the King, was also examined. Finally, the background that enabled the selection of such a writing strategy was also explored. As a result, it was concluded that Sejong justified the creation of Hunminjeongeum by mobilizing criminal litigation(獄訟), which was possible because the cosmological symbolism of criminal litigation was shared in that era.