KJCKorea
Journal Central

This paper examines the qualifications required for ordained monks to educate laypeople, their efforts to become instructors, and their educational methods, focusing on the teaching of poetry composition. In the Goryeo Dynasty, monks responsible for monastery education were known by various titles, including State Preceptor(Guksa 國師), Monk Superintendent(Seungtong, 僧統), Seon Master(Seonsa 禪師), Head Monk(Juji 住持), Elder in monastery(Jangro 長老), Instructor(Gangju 講主), Superintendent(Pansa 判事), and second exam of the monk examination course(Daeseon 大選), all of whom had passed the monk examination course(僧科). In other words, a monk had to pass the monastic examination in order to be entrusted with monastery education. In monastery, laypeople were taught various subjects, including the rules of punctuation(句讀法), poetry composition, the Confucian classics and historical texts, and calligraphy. While reading Buddhist scriptures and preparing for the monk examination course, monks studied the basics of Classical Chinese. Consequently, basic instruction, such as punctuation, could readily be provided by those who had passed the monk examination course. Since subjects such as poetry composition, the Confucian classics, and history required a higher level of learning than punctuation, monks honed their skills by studying on their own or by seeking out and learning from eminent monks(高僧), officials, and intellectuals who were well versed in these subjects. Through these efforts, monks developed into the instructors of monastery education. Among the subjects taught in Goryeo Monasteries, poetry composition was the most difficult. Monks taught poetry composition by beginning with methods of composition, repeatedly presenting themes for learners to write on, training them through poetic exchanges, and having them read aloud works by renowned authors to understand how they were composed. However, monks did not apply these methods uniformly to all learners. Rather, they tailored them to each student’s level and ability. Furthermore, monks frequently informed the parents and family members of their lay students about the progress of their studies. At times, they commissioned poems or writings of encouragement from government officials and used these works to motivate their students to strive harder.

This article, through the thought of Sin Pilheum, examines how intellectuals in early-to-mid nineteenth century Joseon sought to incorporate statecraft into neo-Confucianism. Sin Pilheum particularly emphasized the distinctive status of li (理), as evident from his discourse on human and animal nature. He argued that human and animal natures were synonymous, asserting that li was intrinsic to animal nature without refraction. His conceptions of Gyeongmul chiji (格物致知) and Dogi irwon (道器一元) demonstrated the implications of this perception of li for statecraft. He expanded the object of Gyeongmul chiji beyond the moral realms to encompass the understanding of various natural phenomena and entities. This development marked his turn toward statecraft. This understanding of statecraft stemmed from his emphasis on the ontological nature of li. In light of this perception, he placed considerable weight on the concept of Do (道), positing it as the ultimate origin of all phenomena. He further elaborated on this notion by underscoring Dogi irwon, asserting that Do was inseparable from Gi (器). For him, Do and li were identical. Through these discourses, Sin Pilheum presented neo-Confucianism as an integrated intellectual system that was faithful to both Do and Gi without neglecting statecraft. In this way, Sin Pilheum sought to highlight the statecraft dimension of neo-Confucianism.

This study examines the fiscal management strategies and local responses of Gangneung-eup under the Sangjeong-beop(詳定法) of Gangwon-do during the late Joseon Dynasty, primarily through an analysis of the Gangneung-eup Sarye-chaek (Manual of Administrative Cases of Gangneung-eup). Compiled in the late 19th century, this manual serves as an empirical record reflecting the local government’s efforts to bridge the gap between uniform central fiscal regulations and the practical realities of local administration. The findings reveal that following the implementation of Sangjeong-beop, the tax base expanded beyond traditional levies to include supplementary, official salary, and tax-exempt lands. While central authorities claimed the majority of land taxes, Gangneung-eup managed its operations through retained funds and orchard taxes. However, as official allocations proved insufficient—particularly for high-cost items like ginseng procurement—the district devised independent revenue streams, such as market taxes and interest funds. Ultimately, the fiscal operations of 19th-century Gangneung-eup represent a proactive process of creating an independent fiscal space, seeking to overcome institutional limitations through autonomous and practical governance.