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The Dispatch of Birthday Envoys to Khitan during the Early Goryeo Period and the Diplomatic Policy in the Reign of King Sukjong

Wang, Yao | 2025, (160) | pp.7~50 | number of Cited : 0

Envoys played a crucial role in maintaining relations between Goryeo and Khitan. Among the regular envoys, the birthday envoys sent to congratulate the birthdays of the Goryeo king and Khitan emperor are the most recorded cases. The use of monarch’s birthday celebrations as a diplomatic instrument began between Khitan and Song after the conclusion of the Treaty of Chanyuan in 1004. As the product of the reciprocal diplomatic relations between Khitan and Song, birthday envoys carried the nature of diplomatic exchanges, differing from New Year envoys, which originated from the tributary system and symbolized hierarchical order. As a member of the East Asian world, Goryeo joined the newly restructured international order of the time and dispatched a total of 37 birthday envoys to Khitan, showing distinct patterns before and after the reign of King Sukjong. According to records, birthday envoys were not regularly dispatched before King Sukjong’s reign, whereas they were sent almost annually thereafter. Therefore, it is difficult to regard the 1022 regulation as a fixed guideline for Goryeo’s diplomatic missions to Khitan. It is more reasonable to interpret this regulation as an instruction to simplify the dispatch of envoys, which focused on the manner of courtesy envoys and the combination of other diplomatic missions. Meanwhile, the changes in the dispatch of birthday envoys during King Sukjong’s reign were closely related to his diplomatic policy of bukgyo-namsa(北交南事). This expression can be traced back to Choi Seungro’s assessment of King Taejo’s foreign policy, as well as to the actual diplomatic practices during King Munjong’s reign. During King Sukjong’s time, Goryeo sought to maintain stable relations with Khitan by employing various means of diplomatic exchange, including the dispatch of birthday envoys. Accordingly, Sukjong described Goryeo’s relationship with Khitan as gyo. In contrast, because he had declined Song’s offer of investiture and thus feared provoking its discontent, while desiring to bring in benefits, Sukjong assessed Goryeo’s relationship with Song as sa. King Sukjong’s foreign policy moved beyond the initial stage of establishing separate diplomatic relations with either Khitan or Song. Instead, it focused on maintaining and consolidating Goryeo’s already established relationships with the two great powers while trying to preserve a balance between them. The regular dispatch of birthday envoys to Khitan after King Sukjong’s reign was a direct outcome of this diplomatic strategy.

Goryeo’s Dispatch of Students to Song China and Its Cultural Diplomacy

Lee Ba Reun | 2025, (160) | pp.51~86 | number of Cited : 0

This study analyzes the patterns of international students dispatched by the Goryeo government to the Song Dynasty and comprehensively examines the background of their dispatch, their activities in both Goryeo and Song, and their impact on the diplomacy between the two nations, thereby identifying an aspect of Goryeo’s cultural diplomacy. From the perspective of “cultural diplomacy,” this research discusses the case of Goryeo students studying in Song. Cultural diplomacy traditionally refers to the strategic use of cultural assets by a state to realize its diplomatic objectives and national interests. Although official diplomatic ties between Goryeo and Song were severed following Goryeo’s diplomatic relations with the Khitans, the two countries maintained a friendly relationship through economic exchange and the movement of people. In particular, when Goryeo needed close interaction with Song amidst severed diplomatic ties, it utilized cultural diplomacy by requesting the dispatch of students; Song, in turn, sustained the bilateral relationship by accepting these requests. Song demonstrated a friendly diplomatic stance toward Goryeo by accepting the admission requests of Goryeo students and treating them with great hospitality. The Song government supported the educational expenses of these students during their period of study and encouraged their academic progress through examinations personally administered by the Emperor. The dispatch of Goryeo students inherently involved intricate diplomatic procedures between the two nations. It served as a solution to unravel the sensitive diplomatic tensions that both countries had to navigate with the Khitans positioned between them. Furthermore, Goryeo and Song utilized these students to communicate international circumstances, such as the pressure from the Khitans, or domestic affairs, such as securing the legitimacy of a new Goryeo king’s accession. Ultimately, the dispatch of Goryeo students manifested the soft power of both nations while functioning as a mechanism to maintain inclusive and continuous exchange beyond sensitive diplomatic constraints.

The Circulation of Commodity Moneyin the early Goryeo period

KIM, DOYEON | 2025, (160) | pp.87~126 | number of Cited : 0

This study aims to deeply analyze the circulation and functions of commodity money, particularly rice(미) and textile(포), which served as major mediums of exchange in society even before the minting of metallic currency. Moving beyond the limitations of previous studies, which intermittently dealt with commodity money in the context of the failure of metallic currency circulation or stage theories of socioeconomic development, this paper illuminates the specific monetary roles played by commodity money. In the early Goryeo period, rice and cloth became established as general equivalents in the exchange process, evolving into commodity money, which was a significant indicator of the historical progress of commodity exchange. Notably, items like Chupo(Coarse textile), which were unsuitable for clothing, also functioned as currency. Commodity money performed crucial functions in various spheres during the Goryeo dynasty. In terms of national fiscal revenue, it was a major item in the taxes paid by farmers and was also utilized as a means of storage for financial operations. For instance, goods were stored in the Naego (royal treasury) during King Taejo’s reign, and the cloth from the Naego was used as a means of payment, such as for redeeming slaves. Furthermore, commodity money held significant weight in national finance, being used to grant grains and cloth to meritorious subjects or to collect cloth as a fine for illegal acts. The situation changed after the introduction of Eunbyeong(silver currency) during the reign of King Sukjong. In the market, Eunbyeong, a metallic currency, served as the high-denomination currency for commercial transactions, while textile(포), a commodity money, handled low-denomination transactions. For very small amounts, rice(미) was used, a fact that was also observed through the eyes of foreigners. Among commodity currencies, the role of textile(포) gradually expanded, to the extent that the term Pohwa (textile money) even emerged. In conclusion, before the advent of metallic currency, the commodity money of early Goryeo performed multifaceted monetary functions beyond simple barter, including taxation, storage, payment, exchange, and even as a measure of value. After the introduction of Eunbyeong, a metallic currency, both together played a pivotal role in maintaining the socio-economic order.

The Institutional Background for the Establishment of the Sajagwan(寫字官) in the Seungmunwon(承文院) of the Joseon Dynasty

Lee Ji Hun | 2025, (160) | pp.127~166 | number of Cited : 0

The Patterns of Ritual Practices of the Oh Hee-mun(吳希文, 1539～1613) Family in the Late Sixteenth Century - Focusing on Swaemirok(瑣尾錄) by Oh Hee-mun -

Kim, Eui-hwan | 2025, (160) | pp.167~226 | number of Cited : 0

This study examines the patterns of ancestral ritual practices carried out by the Oh Hee-mun(吳希文) family in the late sixteenth century, focusing on 󰡔Swaemirok󰡕(瑣尾錄). Despite living as a refugee during the war, Oh continued to perform various Confucian rites for nine years until his return to Hanyang. His ritual activities reflect the active fulfillment of the Confucian ideal of bongjesa-jeopbingak(奉祭祀接賓客), which was regarded as a core obligation of the literati class. Several distinctive characteristics emerge from this case. First, the Oh family placed the greatest emphasis on memorial rites on death anniversaries(忌日祭). Between 1592 and 1600, Oh conducted a total of sixty-five such rites for sixteen ancestors, including his parents, grandparents, and maternal relatives, as well as eleven rites commemorating birth anniversaries(生諱日祭). Second, the family attached particular importance to seasonal rites(節日祭) and tomb rituals(墓祭) performed on the four major annual festivals. Oh Hee-mun conducted sixty-seven seasonal rites and visited ancestral graves twenty times, demonstrating a strong commitment to tomb worship even under wartime conditions. Third, Oh Hee-mun temporarily assumed responsibility for rituals traditionally performed by the lineage head(宗孫), fearing that the rites might be discontinued due to death and displacement during the war. Finally, family showed that rituals were simplified and performed flexibly, with ceremonies held in the early morning and offerings reduced to basic foods, reflecting adaptation to wartime constraints. Overall, this case illustrates that ancestral rites among the Hanyang literati functioned as an indispensable daily practice and a concrete expression of filial piety, even during periods of extreme crisis. Such wartime ritual practices likely influenced the later development of Confucian ritual studies in late Joseon society.

Professing “Political Neutrality” and the Construction of a Political Interventionist Mindset: The South Korean Military during the 1960 April Revolution

Kim Jihoon | 2025, (160) | pp.227~268 | number of Cited : 0

This study analyzes the movements of the martial law forces and their perceptions of the demonstrators during the conjuncture of the April 1960 April Revolution, elucidates the process through which the narrative of the military’s “political neutrality” was constructed, and traces the process of Political Subjectification through which the military linked the April Revolution to the May 16 military revolt. During the April Revolution, the martial law forces’ purported policy of prohibiting live fire was ambiguous as to whether it existed in substance, and in any case it was the outcome of the military’s political choice. In fact, this “no-shoot” policy rested less on considerations of safeguarding constitutional government and the sovereign citizenry, or of political neutrality, than on an elitist view of the people and a national security-minded outlook, as well as distrust toward conscripted soldiers. The martial law forces pursued Political Subjectification by bifurcating the revolution according to whether the demonstrators were violent, and in this process the narrative of “political neutrality” was retroactively ratified. After the April Revolution, the government adopted measures to neutralize the military. Yet, within the liberal intellectual structure of the time, fundamental reflection on political neutrality was avoided. Rather, the military sustained a sense of privilege that excluded interference from parliamentary politics by positioning itself as an inseparable National Instrument of the state. Consequently, the military’s “political neutrality” was appropriated as a pretext in internal factional conflicts, exposing vulnerability to insurgent forces within the military. In conclusion, the military’s narrative of “political neutrality” during the April Revolution reflected political aversion and a privileged consciousness equating the military with the state, without serious concern for constitutionalism and the sovereign people, and it functioned as an ideological mechanism for the May 16 military revolt.

Political Crisis of the Early Third Republic under the Park Chung-hee Regime and the Reorganization of Power within the Democratic Republican Party

Kim Hyun ju | 2025, (160) | pp.269~308 | number of Cited : 0

The Democratic Republican Party (DRP), established as part of the political institutionalization of the May 16 coup forces and their transition toward governance through elections and political parties, faced internal conflict from its inception. A power struggle emerged between Kim Jong-pil’s loyalists, who favored a centralized party bureaucracy, and opposition factions advocating for greater authority for the party’s delegates. Following the 1963 general election, the party’s composition diversified, complicating its internal dynamics. In 1964, massive protests against the Korea-Japan normalization treaty evolved into anti-government demonstrations, fueled by political corruption and revelations of campus surveillance. This crisis posed the greatest political challenge to the Park Chung Hee regime during its first year. Amid growing calls within the ruling bloc for reorganization, Kim Jong-pil stepped down as party chairman and left for an extended overseas stay. During his absence, hardline elements in the DRP maintained a confrontational stance, opposing more moderate crisis-resolution efforts led by non-mainstream factions. These internal divisions also hindered negotiations with the opposition. Moreover, 1964 marked a critical turning point in defining the relationship between President Park Chung Hee and the DRP. Despite the party’s efforts to implement genuine party politics through cabinet appointments from within its ranks, Park distanced the executive from the party, resisting DRP involvement in policymaking. Although Kim Jong-pil returned as chairman in late 1965 and party-government meetings were institutionalized, the DRP remained largely excluded from key policy decisions. The June 3 Martial Law Crisis served as a litmus test for how the Park Chung Hee regime responded to political crises and marked a critical turning point in forecasting the future direction of national governance. The year 1964 signaled the beginning of an era in which unilateral rule based on administrative power took precedence, while political coordination through dialogue, persuasion, and negotiation was increasingly marginalized. This period can be interpreted as a moment when the Park regime, rather than resolving political conflicts and social unrest through institutional procedures or within the framework of party politics, reinforced its tendency to exert direct state control grounded in military force.

A Historical Verification of the ‘Ahn Jung-geun Glass-Plate Photographs’ Preserved at the National Institute of Korean History: Focusing on the Circumstances of Their Production by the Korean History Compilation Committee(under the Government-General of Korea) and the Actual Dates of Photography

Moon Il Woong | 2025, (160) | pp.311~354 | number of Cited : 0

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2025, Vol., No.160 All Issues