2016, Vol., No.60

Social Crisis due to Climate Change and Communities’ Reaction

Nami Lee | 2016, (60) | pp.5~40 | number of Cited : 11

Climate Change and the Cultural Concept of Anthropocene

Kim, Hwa Im | 2016, (60) | pp.41~66 | number of Cited : 4

From Fantasy to Reality – The Anthropocene, Climate Change, Literary Adaptation

Doo-ho Shin | 2016, (60) | pp.67~102 | number of Cited : 18

A Study on the Overseas Chinese in Wonsan before the Sino-Japanese War (1912∼1936)

LEE EUNSANG | 2016, (60) | pp.103~147 | number of Cited : 20

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A Linguistic Defense for Konglish

KANG， YONGSOON | 2016, (60) | pp.149~173 | number of Cited : 3

The Philosophical Consideration on the Traditional Market Place - The Cultural Suggestion to the Future of the Traditional Market -

Kim, Jong-Gyu , Kim Tae Kyung | 2016, (60) | pp.175~207 | number of Cited : 3

Analysis of the Cause and Route of Migration of Evenki Centering on Clan Name

Eom, Soon-Cheon | 2016, (60) | pp.209~245 | number of Cited : 0

The purpose of this study was to investigate the cause and route of migration of Evenki centering on the family names of Evenki. The migration of Evenki is related with historical and environmental factors, and it began in the ancient times much before the 17th century and ended around the beginning of the 20th century, which is divided into 3 periods. The 1st migration took place around the 6th∼7th centuries in relation to the northing of Turk, the 2nd migration took place around the 12th∼13th century in relation to the expansion of Mongols, and the 3rd migration took place after the 17th century in relation to the emergence of Russian people in Siberia and the colonization policy. The 1st migration of Evenki can be simplified into the northing of Turk in the west of Pribaikaliye and Zabaikaliye→ migration of Evenki and Turk to the east of Zabaikaliye, Priamuriye, and the west of Zabaikaliye, and the division of Evenki and Even. The 2nd migration of Evenki can be simplified into the rapid expansion of Mongol→migration of Buryat to Pribaikaliye→migration of Turk from Pribaikaliye to the upstream of Lena River→migration of Evenki and Tungus from the upstream of Lena River to the left bank and downstream of Lena, Tayga in the downstream of Aldan River and Okhotsk region. The 3rd migration of Evenki was an extensive phenomenon which cannot be compared with the 1st and 2nd migrations in terms of scale and range, was influenced by multiple causes, and continued for 3 centuries from the beginning of the 17th century to the beginning of the 20th century. During this period, there were frequent migrations within the region influenced by both artificial and natural causes. The reason for the migration of Evenki in the beginning of the 17th century to the beginning of the 20th century is quite complicated, however, is mainly the colonization policy of Russia and the violence and tyranny of Russian people, the frequent conflict between Evenki and Russian people due to the policy and violence, the conflict between families of Evenki, and the pressure of Yakut and Buryat that had dominance in terms of population and force. As described above, Evenki had to spend turbulent years, wandering throughout East Siberia due to internal and external circumstances between the 17th century and the beginning of the 20th century.

Asymmetry, Aretaic term, and Virtue Ethics - A Defence about Some Critics in Michael Slote’s Virtue Ethics -

Jang Dong-ik | 2016, (60) | pp.247~273 | number of Cited : 1

The Cultural Class and the Narrative of the Space “Nostalgia Myeongdong”

KWON KYONG MI | 2016, (60) | pp.275~301 | number of Cited : 3

Lee Bong-gu was a symbol of youth and the young. Having been recognized as the everlasting icon of youth, Lee Bong-gu had made a deep impression among the public as an advocate of the so-called Myeongdong discourses. This seemingly appropriate approach, however, makes it more difficult to evaluate Lee Bong-gu properly. The literary world of Lee Bong-gu, which appears to display a tendency of autobiographical novels, is often understood as an example of immature writings that fall short of representing youth and the young. The core idea of this perspective comes from the conceptual or generational views that try to confine Lee to the boundary of youth and the young. By looking at Lee Bong-gu less as an icon of youth and the young and more as a symbol of a cultural class based on tastes and preference, we can find an interesting perspective that helps us approach to his literature more properly. In other words, Lee Bong-gu not so much played the role of an icon of youth as represented the emergence of a new cultural class whose members had the experiences of living abroad, a deep taste for high-brow culture, and an identity as artists or men of culture. They had the characteristics of the modernist cultural class that differentiated themselves from the economically affluent and privileged class. Lee Bong-gu recreated and redefined Myeongdong Coffee Shop anew with his strong identity as a member of the cultural class. Unlike his fellow literary writers, artists and men of culture who newly found their identity as the advocates of new ideologies or thoughts in the space of liberation, however, Lee Bong-gu consistently maintained his own identity as a member of the cultural class, which also let others understand him as the icon of youth and the young. It, however, will be more appropriate to understand that the cultural class of which Lee was a member ― not Lee’s image representing youth and the young ― continued to exist consistently in Myeongdong after Korea’s liberation from Japan in 1945 and even after the Korean War (1950-1953). In the space of liberation, the identity of Lee Bong-gu as a member of the cultural class, having not been fully established in the postwar space, could be interpreted as a newly emerged class identity but also as a still incomplete identity in that it has not acquired a sense of contemplative modernity. It was because Lee Bong-gu, though a young man himself, felt nostalgia for Myeongdong through contemplation on the space of liberation and the situation of the postwar space.

The Topography of the Local Confucians at the End of the Japanese Colonial Period and the Aspect of the Pro - Japanese Sino - Korean Poems - Focusing on Confucians in Gangneung -

Han, GilRo | 2016, (60) | pp.304~338 | number of Cited : 7

In the 1940s, Japan tried to extensively make use of ‘the provincial Confucians’ who had ‘authorities and influences’ that were not disbanded completely in local areas in order to regulate and surveil the populace of each local area more effectively and efficiently. Myeoungdeoksajo (明德詞藻), a collection of poems written in Chinese characters and was published by the Confucians in Gangneung in 1941, unveiled the situations of the Confucians in the period very frankly. In this book of poems, the Confucians in Gangneung showed their will to cooperate with and participate in the Japanese fascist system through Sino-Korean poetry and the poetry club that were their words and culture. In other words, the so-called Confucians then took advantage of sociopolitical ideologies that Japan tried to force and implant as a kind of sociopolitical tool by using a format of Sino-Korean poetry only and applying it to the cause as a means of expressing their will of cooperation. Besides, it showed the fact that this work was ignited by the bureaucrats in a lower class and a group of community leaders in local areas not by renowned Confucians. They only focused on delivering the contents that praised and beatified the wartime situations and local officials and urged participation of the populace using chikje (勅題) and “the holy war” that were bestowed upon by the Japanese Emperor and historical spots as a subject for a poem. In fact, they eliminated the tradition of aesthetics in Sino-Korean poetry. In conclusion, this book of poems shows not only an aspect of how the policy of controlling Confucians by the Japanese Government-General of the Joseon dynasty was carried out through the provincial Confucians at the end of the Japanese colonial era but also brings up the necessity of studying pro-Japanese Sino-Korean poems that differentiated themselves from the existing pro-Japanese literature (written either in Korean or Japanese).

A Research on Chinese Students to Learn Korean’s Changing or Interfering Nasal Sounds of Coda - Examining Chinese Students to Learn Korean in the ISC Course of SKKU -

Oh Kwangkeun , Kim，Kyonghwon | 2016, (60) | pp.339~372 | number of Cited : 5

The Origin and Peculiarity of the Buddhist Yama

Yu, Sung-uk | 2016, (60) | pp.373~397 | number of Cited : 2

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Yama, originated in Vedic religion, was placed as a god of death in their pantheon, since the early vedic period. His characteristic of death, known as a protector of the dead in the initial stages, was strengthened to the judge of death through the Braḥmaṇa-Upaniṣadic and the Epics-Purāṇic periods. Although his name was mentioned in early Buddhist literature, there was no connection to the Buddhist doctrine and myth found. Yama had began to be combined to Buddhist doctrine with the Buddha’s words, “... ... by doing so be relieved from doubt, became pure-minded, and put reliance on it, to such a one the door of the three states of misfortune shall be shut : he shall not fall so low as to be born in hell, among the beasts, or in Yama’s kingdom”(Sap., XI, 46), and later his Buddhistized feature was completed with the development of the ideas of the next world in the Tibetan Buddhist tradition. On the other hands, in the Chinese Buddhist tradition he shared one of his proper vedic characteristics, the protector of the dead, with Kṣitigarbha, one of the main gods in the Mahāyana Buddhist pantheon, which was generally accepted in Korea and Japan. The Mahāyāna Buddhists composed their pantheon in the way of adopting Vedic gods and folklore worship by renaming them or inventing their parallels. Yama in the point of keeping his Vedic name and characteristic was very unusual. However, he had to be remained at the outer edge of the Buddhist pantheon until the time of the development of the Bar do ideas in Tibetan Buddhism, because Buddhism kept their atheistic attitude and emphasized ethics. Some scholars made a mistake of identifying him with Māra. It was evident that he and Māra had opposite aims, but coexisted in the Buddhist myths. And it should be remembered that some similar divine beings with Yama, such as Kṣitigarbha, appeared in the myths, and that no changes was witnessed in his characteristics, even though some minor things were little bit modified. It is important that Yama has never taken a major position in the Buddhist pantheon and that he has seldom appeared in the Buddhist tales on death.

A Review of the Concept of Pansori-based Novel

Choi Jin Hyung | 2016, (60) | pp.399~429 | number of Cited : 2

‘The pansori-based novel’ is one of the widely used terms in the academic circle of Korean literature without having any particular definition or verification of the concept. Pansori and novels fall into the same theoretical genre, narratives, but in terms of their historical genre which is their specific substance, they have an entirely different mode. It is obvious the term ‘pansori-based novel’ has ‘novel’ as a stylistic status. But, one can tell just by briefly looking at the literary works categorized as the pansori-based novel that there are too many examples that don’t correspond to this term. In the history of Korean literature, it was not until the 17th century that novels began to appear in earnest, while pansori emerged around the 19th century. During the time when novels were taking hold of the initiative in narrative literature, pansori comes on to the picture and makes a relationship with novels by close communication and interaction, and with this process the so-called ‘pansori-based novel’ emerged. Some effects of novel writing styles on pansori are that they pursue coherence as they are written in complete texts, use conventional expressions of literary style novels, and so forth. In the effects of pansori on novels, the literary style is taken most interest in, and a few examples are appearing to be orientated towards rhythmical texts, or showing pansori’s unique introduction style in the way of speaking, and so on. If one looks thoroughly at the aspect of changing pansori lyrics into texts for reading, one can find out the reason why it’s not easy to name it the pansori-based novel. First, the contradiction of narrative can be mentioned. This comes from describing classes (social statuses) differently. Second, by using the description of chire, they fail to describe details realistically, and also have plots that lack inevitability and organic composition because there are various endings. In particular, the protruding attempts to change made by Shin Jae-hyo, Lee In-jik, Rho Ik-hyeong and other adapters are also collateral evidences that the pansori-based novel is an inappropriate term. Pansori should be clearly classified as either ‘text for performance’, or ‘text for reading’. So when they are embraced, the term should be ‘pansori narrative’, the former being ‘pansori (text for performance)’, and the latter being ‘pansori text for reading’.

A Study of Images and Patterns of the Characteristic Materials on the Sijo Texts (1) - Focused on the Works in Unabridged Dictionary of Gosijo -

YOOK MIN SU | 2016, (60) | pp.431~461 | number of Cited : 5

A Study on Main Characters in J. Giono’s Novel, Angelo

Kim Dong-Yoon | 2016, (60) | pp.463~497 | number of Cited : 0

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2016, Vol., No.60