KJCKorea
Journal Central

The purpose of this study is to provide new data on Koreans living in the Kamchatka Peninsula in the Russian Far East in the 1920s through the National Maritime Museum’s collection of 『Far Eastern Fisheries』. In particular, it aims to examine how Koreans were perceived from a Japanese perspective through the content of the text. In addition, it is significant in introducing data on the lives of Koreans living in the Kamchatka Peninsula, an area where information was relatively lacking, through the content of 『Far East Fisheries』, which has rarely been mentioned in Korean academic circles or in Japan. In particular, although specialized books on the fisheries industry have described how much Japan focused on the fisheries industry, the current status of the fisheries industry in the Kamchatka Peninsula of Russia, fishing, and canning, this paper focuses on introducing data on Koreans. The National Maritime Museum’s 『Far Eastern Fisheries』 is a specialized book on the fisheries industry published in 1924, 14 years after Japan’s forced annexation of Korea. We translated and reviewed the material written in Japanese and examined it, focusing on the content related to Korean immigrants. We also reviewed Russian data, which estimated that over 100 Koreans lived on the Kamchatka Peninsula in the 1910s. We confirmed that the number of Korean immigrants more than doubled over the next 10 years. At the time, Japan was strengthening its colonial rule through manufacturing, capital exports, and financial control. It is considered an extremely rare case that a Japanese-published book on the Kamchatka Peninsula fisheries industry in 1924 included a record of Korean immigrants. The author, Hayashi Komao (林駒生), who had extensive knowledge of Korea, also seems to have acknowledged the diligence and sincerity of the Koreans he met on the Kamchatka Peninsula in the Russian Far East. This evaluation is similar to the Russians' evaluation of Korean immigrants, suggesting that Korean immigrants have adapted surprisingly well to their new environment.

Various information and communication technologies, including artificial intelligence (AI), have the potential to change our lives, and are expected to bring about many changes in the healthcare sector. China has serious medical imbalances due to the medical gap between large cities, medium-sized cities, and rural areas, and these problems cannot be solved simply by dispersing the population or expanding the medical infrastructure in rural areas. Government-led or medical institution-centered problem- solving methods are bound to have limitations, and now we need to make efforts to solve problems centered on consumers who are both patients and citizens. Therefore, a groundbreaking reform of governance is necessary for the efficient establishment of an AI-based healthcare system. Despite the rapid integration of artificial intelligence (AI) into China’s healthcare, there is still a large research gap in deeply understanding the political, institutional, and economic implications of these technologies for health equity in the long term. Most studies focus on technical and clinical outcomes, overlooking the impact of AI on health equity over time. Therefore, this study aims to develop and validate a comprehensive framework to ensure that AI-based healthcare solutions are accessible to all populations without bias. In doing so, we seek to explore how AI technologies can contribute to reducing healthcare accessibility gaps and promoting equity. By deeply exploring the long-term ethical and social implications of AI, this study aims to help build sustainable healthcare systems and ultimately establish human-centered governance that can be applied not only in China but also in other Asian countries.

Under the great changes unseen in a century, emerging technologies are becoming the driving force for national strength growth and the high ground of power competition among major countries. A new round of technological revolution is reshaping the international political landscape. Since 2017, technology alliances have gradually become the "sharp weapon" for the United States to carry out all-round strategic competition against China. To consolidate its technological industrial competitiveness, seize the right to formulate technological rules, and export the "democratic industrial model", the United States has been actively building technology alliances against China and creating technological advantages over China. The US technology alliances against China have shown significant features such as evolving from the two-ocean alliance to a complex alliance of partners, from comprehensive decoupling to the "small yard, high fence" strategy, and from squeezing at the basic level to blocking at the high-end level, which have had negative impacts on China's economic development and regional prosperity and stability. However, the US technology alliances against China also face many difficulties, such as insufficient domestic resource investment, limited cooperation from its allies, and China's countermeasures to break the containment. From "Trump 1.0" to "Trump 2.0", the United States has gone through two party alternations, and the strategic competition against China by both parties has basically taken shape. The goal of the US to strongly promote industrial return has not been achieved, and the steps of jointly containing China in technology with its allies have never stopped. Judging from the pro-China tendencies of Trump and his foreign policy team in the second term, the US technology alliances against China may continue to intensify the technological containment against China and expand the scope of technological blockade. In response to the possible adjustments of the US technology alliances against China brought about by Trump's return, China should respond rationally with a bottom-line and extreme mindset. China, Japan and South Korea should actively adjust their economic cooperation relations and respond flexibly.