2011, Vol., No.25

16-17세기 파리의 유언장에 나타난 장지(葬地) 선택 문제-생지노상 묘지와 겸양의 태도를 중심으로-

이성재 | 2011, (25) | pp.5~27 | number of Cited : 1

The concern of the testator about the burial of his body arises in an unquestionable way. The choice of the place is regarded as its last residence. For the testators of XVIe and XVIIe centuries, the problem of the choice of cemetery is not simply that of the designation of the place where the body will get rotten. The intention relates to the salvation of the heart through the concern of the body. Moreover, the choice of the place of burial is an important means to express the humility of the testator. How the choice of a cemetery does show his humility? To be buried at the cemetery of Saints-Innocents and of hospitals among the dead from the various parishes is considered humbler than to be buried at a tomb made inside a church. Charity given by testators helps certainly the others. However, it does not represent the humility of the testator who soon will leave this world. In order to reveal the symbolic aspect of his death, the site of burial is an indirect but a good way of expressing his humility in front of God and the human being, and a humbler way than testamentary charity. It is also interesting that the familial attachment intervenes in choosing the burial site. This attitude at the time of death can be interpreted as an intention of the testators to join the beginning and the end of their life. Among the dominant groups who have the choice, the affection towards their predecessors and their family has an impact on the place of the burial. The testators testify to the hesitations which relate to the choice between the family burial site and the cemetery of Saints-Innocents or that of the hospitals. The testators thus try to reconcile their contrary aspirations towards the cemetery of Saints-Innocents, the ‘ground of the poor’, and the place where their parents rest. The ideal is, of course, the choice of the cemetery of Saints-Innocents especially if its family is already buried there. However, this harmonization between the two universes of devotion cannot be always realized. Thus this choice reflects exactly the attitude of the testators regarding humility and familiarity.

‘속은 자의 날’을 어떻게 볼 것인가?-프랑스 절대왕정의 문제적 ‘근대성’-

임승휘 | 2011, (25) | pp.29~57 | number of Cited : 3

The recent research about the structure of French absolute monarchy and the demythicization of the bureaucracy has shattered the older conception of the absoluteness of absolutist rule. The King asserted his legal right, legibus solutus, but the power of domination was parcelled out by the different forces. The financial system was subject to the particular and private interests of the nobles and the office-holders who have constituted a social and political power group by the cliental relationship. The administrative centralization was limited by the confusion between public power and private appropriation. This situation entrapped the development of the modern bureaucracy and the king’s political autonomy in spite of his sacred character. But this structure has not been created at one sitting, but built slowly during three Bourbon kings in the seventeenth century. It was also the result of the successive failure of the attempts of reformation. The realistic policy of the Reason of State and the separation of politic and religion, materialized by the cardinal Richelieu was far from the political modernity and his ‘Reason of State’ was in reality ‘Unreason of State’. It has compounded the problematic structure of the French absolute monarchy. It is in this sense that the Day of Dupes was pregnant. In this perspective, Marillac’s politic of reformation against the european war can be seen as a sound alternative for the absolute monarchy. In spite of the limits of his reformation project, his diagnostic of the political system of the State and his politic of unification, rejecting the particularism, prove his political realism. The importance of that Day resides not only in the establishment of the cardinal’s Reason of State, but also in the disappeared possibility of the reformation which might minimize the weakness of that structure and permit the ‘proper function’ of the absolute monarchy. The mockery of the Code Michau because of its unrealism and the violent opposition of the ‘parlement’ prove paradoxically the realism of Marillac’s politic which might lead to an ‘modernity’ of the royal State.

프랑스혁명과 물라토의 정치적 권리-삼부회 소집에서 1790년 3월 8일 법령까지-

Yang Heeyoung | 2011, (25) | pp.59~85 | number of Cited : 3

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This article examines the free coloureds’ struggles for the political rights from the convocation of the Estates-General to the vote of the decree of March 8, 1790, the first comprehensive decree on the colonial questions. The free coloureds demanded the civil and political rights of the citizen, insisting that they were free property owners and descendants of Europeans. They didn’t think that their demand for the political rights would endanger the racial system in the colonies, because they didn’t claim the abolition of slavery. Therefore they tried to obtain the support of the french ministers and the white plantation owners who they considered their allies defending the colonial system. After this attempt turned out a failure, the free coloureds submitted their own cahier de doléances and demanded their representation in the Constitutional Assembly. In this process, they freed themselves from the fixed idea of the rights of mixed-blood and advanced toward the equal rights of all free coloureds including blacks, and forward the essential criticism on the slavery by acception of the discourse of the universal rights of men. French Revolutionaries, prisoners of the interests around the colonies, could not maintain their revolutionary ideals. Finally, abandoning the principles that they had announced, they shifted onto the colonies the decision and the responsibility on the question of racial equality. In Saint-Domingue, since most of the plantation owners and small whites obsessed with the racial hierarchy, it was only by the violent confrontations that the abstract principles and ambiguous rights could obtain the practical meaning. French Revolutionaries had to sanction the colonial revolution with haste too late and acknowledge their error of judgement and indecision bound by practical interests. These circumstances, which continued till the official abolition of slavery, were already foreseeable in the light of the question of free coloureds at the beginning of the French Revolution.

19세기 프랑스 생시몽주의자-엔지니어들의 산업프로젝트-에콜폴리테크닉 출신을 중심으로-

JiYoung Moon | 2011, (25) | pp.87~112 | number of Cited : 2

식민지 팽창과 프랑스의 반식민주의, 1870-1914-식민주의와 반식민주의의 기로에서-

이재원 | 2011, (25) | pp.113~148 | number of Cited : 4

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Colonialism and Anticolonialism, these two words have long history of more than five hundred years from the conquest of America to the fall of the great Empires in 1960s. During this period, the support for the expansion of European countries was dominant with the idea of ‘the white man’s burden’ and with the historic mission of the propagation of religion or civilization for other continents. Against this, anticolonialism appeared from the beginning of colonialism; the criticism of the destiny of the Indians(Las Casas), the praise for ‘good savage’(Montaigne, Rousseau...) and the criticism of the slavery by the philosophers of 18th century, for whom the colonies are useless, are the typical anticolonialisms that drew the severance with the ‘mainland’. Although they were minorities, anticolonialism existed everywhere in the society. It found the references in the marxism, in the christianism, and in the universal values related to the human rights. It triggered the protest against the Indochina War and the Algerian War which put on end to the colonial age. This article aims to understand the history of French anticolonialism by studying it as an ideological and practical movement which played continuous and traditional role in French society since 19th century, focusing on the ideas and activities of the people who realized it. We will study the characteristic and the limit of the French anticolonialism, dividing it into three categories: ‘republican’ anticolonialism, ‘socialistic’ anticolonialism, and that in the domain of journalism and ‘culture’. Especially, you will find that those who opposed colonialism for ethical, economic, and political reason finally ended up joining pro-colonialism. Anticolonialists did not totally against colonialism but just wanted to criticize the violation of the natives or the human rights abuses. The illusion of ‘civilizing mission’ or that of ‘western modernization’ based on European supremacy and universalism can be found among the anticolonialists as well as among the colonialists.

프랑스 초기 레지스탕스의 비시-페탱 인식(1940-1942)

이용우 | 2011, (25) | pp.149~175 | number of Cited : 4

In France under the early German occupation(1940-1941), the pro-Pétain Resistance forces were larger than the anti-Vichy and anti-Pétain Resistance forces. Above all, this situation arose from the fact that it was quite common for the French people to regard Marshal Pétain, ‘a hero of the first World War’, as a savior/protector of their fatherland. Frenay’s ‘Libération Nationale’, ‘Liberté’ and the General Cochet did not only admire Pétain as an individual, but also supported the domestic policy of Vichy government. The attitude favorable to Pétain was discovered even in several anti-Vichy Resistance organizations. However, there were certainly the anti-Vichy and anti-Pétain Resistance organizations from the outset such as ‘Valmy’, La France continue, ‘Libération-Sud’, Cahiers du Témoignage chrétien, ‘Franc-Tireur’, and the French Communist Party. Except for the French Communist Party and Valmy, most of these appeared quite late. It meant that these groups launched their activities when the pro-Pétain Resistance organizations already began to change their positions toward anti-Pétain. While the French Communist Party converted from ambiguous neutrality to hostility and resistance toward the German occupation authorities, some Resistance organizations such as ‘Libération Nationale’ and ‘Liberté’, changed from pro-Pétain to anti-Pétain positions. Both cases converged into the same anti-German and anti-Vichy stance. Conversion from pro-Pétain to anti-Pétain by some Resistance organizations, above all, was attributed to the actions of Vichy government and its head, Pétain, whose collaboration with Germany had expanded into the military field and repression of the Resistance. This conversion was more propelled by the integration of Libération Nationale and Liberté. The outcome of this integration, Combat finally declared a separation from Pétain in May 1942.

지속되고 있는 사회주의 연구-1990년대 이후 프랑스의 상황을 중심으로-

Seo-Kyoung Roe | 2011, (25) | pp.177~200 | number of Cited : 1

‘기억의 장소’의 국제적 확산과 변용

Lee Yong Jae | 2011, (25) | pp.201~228 | number of Cited : 22

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2011, Vol., No.25