2015, Vol.13, No.1

Civil Society and NGO 2024 KCI Impact Factor : 0.84

pISSN : 1599-8568
https://journal.kci.go.kr/civil&NGO

This study is aimed to analyze the factors affecting the various types of citizen participation activities in the Sewol Ferry Disaster : giving, demonstration, signing, visit public funeral, volunteering for victim families, volunteering for help, tie yellow ribbon, SNS activities. With the literature review of ‘critical citizen’and civic volunteerism model of participation motivation, capabilities and networks, this study conducted an empirical analysis. Utilizing the data set of Gallup Korea’s national survey conducted during the period of August 24 and October 7, the logit regression analysis confirms that different types of organization membership, government distrust are the major independent factors affecting the participation activities. Membership variables of humanitarian, religious organizations and internet caffe are found to be significant at 0.01 level, and membership variables of school alumni, school meeting, art and cultural associations at 0.05 level. And the adding those government distrust variables and socioeconomic status variables of age, education and income does not reduce the independent effects of membership variables.

Korean civil society has been marked by the dichotomy of (radical) civil movement and (conservative) service-providing, which seems to fade out and give way to diversity at local level. The study aims at investigating diverse types of volunteer work and network of service-providing organizations dedicated to welfare of their communities. We selected 22 cases of the service-providing organizations working in Seoul, conducted research on their volunteer works and networks. The findings can be summarized as follows: (1) Service-providing organizations for community are diverse in both political orientation and organizational type. They can be differentiated into 4 types; (2) 'Locality' which they utilize in presenting themselves has three factors, which composition defines each type of organizations. They include locality as member with they work, locality as space where they work, and locality as agenda for they work; (3) High motivation toward advanced training of their members for the volunteer actions is shown by the type of organizations based on highly community-specific vision and local residents in its members, whereas traditional type of service club presents the lowest level of motivation toward the training for more effective actions; (4) The 4 different types organizations are differentiated from each other in their volunteer works: supporting reintegration of the social minority groups into labor market (type 1), activities and education for environmental protection (type 2), charity for the poor, the disabled, the elderly (type 3), consulting children and other cultural activities for social minority (type 4). Accordingly, each organization utilizes different networks for getting its volunteer works done successfully. In conclusion, the author summarizes the main findings, and comes up with some suggestions for volunteering partnership in communities.

Much like how the name of Korean “anti-nuclear movements” was changed to "post-nuclear movements" after the Fukushima nuclear power disaster, the contents and methods of the movements as well as the participating groups have been changing. How were such changes possible? How far have Korean post-nuclear movements progressed? Do these changes have the ability to influence Korean society? This paper explores changes occurring in Korean post-nuclear movements through the theoretical frameworks of “emancipatory catastrophism,” “organized irresponsibility” and “metamorphosis” towards “energy citizens.” The main groups of Korean post-nuclear movements have been diversified beyond the boundaries of environmental activist organizations and local residents around nuclear facilities. Furthermore, the contents and methods of the movements, unlike in the past, have overcome the objections regarding the locations of specific facilities and have gone past the explosive patterns of demonstrations and resistance. Instead, movements have progressed in the daily lives of the people by responding with suggestions for energy alternatives. Nevertheless, post-nuclear movements have not been able to become dominant flow in Korean society. This is because various institutions supporting a nuclear power-dependent energy system work as barriers against the growth of energy alternatives and thus prevent the growth of citizens building energy citizenships. Korean post-nuclear movements continue to be tasked with simultaneously solving these two challenges.