2023, Vol., No.152

An Understanding of Seo Hee’s Goryeo-Khitan War in the Early Goryeo Dynasty and the Historical Review of the Fortification of 6 Provinces in Gangdong

Jung-Soo Han | 2023, (152) | pp.007~048 | number of Cited : 0

Inheriting the family traditions of benevolence, and following the great righteousness of the world, an upright view of the media, and the righteous life of ‘A king must behave like a king and a subject must behave like a subject’, Seo Hee had the Jeongmyeong ideology and media view, Goguryeo succession consciousness, territorial consciousness, people’s heavenly spirit, and self-esteem consciousness. Based on this, the Seo Hee family became a major family. He also read that the international situation at the time of King Seongjong was being reorganized around the Khitans. Goryeo's pro-Song policy became a burden on the Khitan, which ultimately led to the decision to invade Goryeo. Seo Hee took the lead in making peace with the Khitan. Then, he developed the Gangdong 6-ju fortification and created Jobingro along with the demarcation of the territory. After completing the fortification of six provinces in Gangdong, Seo-hee aimed to advance to Gangoero. However, King Seongjong urgently decided on submission to the the Khitan. He had different opinions about this, but he did his duty by leading the construction of the fortification. In addition, King Seongjong aroused the Khitan’s suspicion by plotting a military alliance with Song. Accordingly, the Khitan installed King Seongjong as the king of Goryeo and mentioned ‘Soinjimo’. He completed the fortification of 6 provinces in Gangdong, but at the same time, she had to return due to illness. The fortification of six provinces in Gangdong and the military request to the Song Dynasty, which contradicted King Seongjong’s submission of the Khitan, were different from Seo hee’s idea. However, the construction of the fortress in the six provinces of Gangdong had the meaning of resolving the Jurchen problem, providing defense against the Khitan invasion, and securing a bridgehead for advancement into areas outside the Gangdong region.

The Implementation and Settlement of the Gungju Installation System in Middle Goryeo

Shin Hye Yeong | 2023, (152) | pp.049~092 | number of Cited : 0

This paper discussed Goryeo’s Gungju installation system. The system was first implemented during the reign of King Injong and settled down since King Uijong. The academic world was early to understand Gungju as a “title following an installation or presented by the king” in Goryeo, but there have been no studies on the reality of the Gungju installation system. Trying to fill this gap in previous studies, this study investigated when and why the Gungju installation system was implemented and further institutionalized. In Goryeo, the Gungju title first appeared in the first year(1010) of King Hyeonjong’s reign. There were no direct grounds to verify that the Gungju installation system was implemented in the first half of Goryeo. In Hubijeon, which contains the first record of Gungju installation in the fourth year(1126) of King Injong’s reign, a tendency of predicates used to introduce the Gungju title appears from ‘稱·號’字 to ‘冊·封’字 during the reign of King Injong. In addition to these records, the study also reviewed the seven remaining Hubi Chaekmuns comprehensively and found that the Gungju installation system was first implemented during the reign of King Injong. In Goryeo, the implementation of the Gungju installation system seems to have derived from the unique political situation of those days. As it is well-known, Lee Ja-gyeom exercised powerful authority as King Injong’s maternal grandfather during the early days of his reign. Lee ensured the consecutive Nabi of his daughters to maintain his power, but the public opinion was negative. He thus had his daughter installed as Yeondeok Gungju based on the status of Yeondeokgung to emphasize that she was the legitimate Hubi of the King and further establish her as the king’s legitimate wife. The Gungju installation system settled down as a system in Goryeo’s society since King Uijong. All the Hubis from King Uijong to King Wonjong were installed as Gungju. Even Lady Wang, who was Jeongsinbuju of King Chungryeol, was installed as Jeonghwa Gungju during the initial days of his enthronement. The Gungju installation system was first implemented in the early 12th century and existed only in the 12th and 13th century as a Hubi installation system. This period witnessed the appearance of a military regime politically and the occurrence of drifting people, natural disasters, and infectious diseases socially and economically. Under the influence of this atmosphere of the times, changes happened including the gradual reduction of objects to receive a Hubi Gungwon and the postponement of its bestowal. As a result, Hubis eligible for a Gungwon were restricted to queens of the highest status. During this period, therefore, Gungju changed into a title connoting the practical status of a Hubi further than the previous periods. This enabled the continuous implementation of the Gungju installation system.

The Monks’ Militia in Joseon: Discourses of Memory and Memorialization

Kim Yong Tae | 2023, (152) | pp.093~122 | number of Cited : 0

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Although the monks’ militia or monks’ righteous militia played a crucial role to overcome the national crisis during the Japanese Invasions, just as the rightous army did, the monks’ militia was not hardly remembered or memorialized by the state or the literati class, especially compared to the righteous army. Nonetheless, renowned monk-generals, such as Cheongheo Hyujeong 淸虛休靜 and Samyeong Yujeong 四溟惟政, were enshrined in the eighteenth century into Pyochungsa 表忠祠 in honor of their loyalty where the memorial rite for them was sponsored by the government. This paper surveys previous scholarship, focusing on discourses on the monks’ militia in Joseon. The monks’ militia received scholarly attention quite early as research on the monk-general began in the 1910s. This attention to the monks’ militia continued after Liberation as it was regarded as the symbol of state-protection Buddhism. While the dilemma between violating the precept of non-killing and practicing loyalty was recognized, its activities were understood as not only the expression of Buddhist compassion but also the promotion of loyalty, a virtue demanded in a Confucian society. The loayl activities of the monks’ militia during the Invasions served as a turning point for Buddhism to play a meaningful social role in the Joseon society. As the efficacy of the monks’ militia was recognized, the monks’ militia and the monks’ state duty were institutionalized and, as a result, the founadation for the survival of the monks and temples were more firmly in place. The monks were accepted as legitimate people of Joseon and the temples were integrated into the national finance system while the according duties and rights were given to them. These are heritiages of the monks’ militia, the assessment of which is still underway.

Grading and Selection Process of Chillimsi in the Late Joseon Period

PARK HYUN SOON | 2023, (152) | pp.123~166 | number of Cited : 0

This paper explores the grading and selection methods employed in chillimsi, such as alseongsi, chundangdaesi, chillimjeongsi, which was one of the biggest variables in the late Joseon period’s civil service examination. Chillimsi exhibited characteristics of jeugilbangbang, and with a rising number of applicants, the likelihood of poor grading also escalated. This paper examines how grading and selection were actually carried out, considering the issue of grading effectiveness. A stringent customary practice governed the appointment of chillimsi exam supervisors. The dokgwongwan primarily comprised the director and deputy director of the Office of Special Counselors and Bureau of Arts and Letters, while the daedokgwan was mainly staffed by officials from the Office of Special Counselors. The composition of invigilators was outlined to ensure the optimal conditions for grading. The scoring of chillimsi was conducted in two stages: bungo and hapgo. During bungo, outstanding responses were swiftly identified, while hapgo involved a meticulous examination to select the final works. However, the state ritual aspect of chillimsi, characterized by the form of jeugilbangbang, posed a challenge to the grading process. This resulted in the need to assess tens of thousands of answer sheets within an exceedingly brief timeframe of a single afternoon. With the increasing number of applicants, the burden of bungo also intensified. In an effort to address this challenge, examiners sought to expedite the grading process by evaluating only the introduction part of the answers and minimizing the number of submitted responses. Ultimately, a system prioritizing the assessment of first-submitted answers was established, deemed the safest and most efficient approach in the face of widespread plagiarism and the practice to appreciate writing talent within tight time constraints. While the bungo examiners proceeded with confidence, the practice of perfunctorily grading answers without reviewing the entire text remained a concerning aspect of the system.

Kim, Kyusik and Prince Euiwha: their relations during study in the U.S.

Byung Joon Jung | 2023, (152) | pp.167~200 | number of Cited : 0

Kim, Kyusik was second son of Kim, Yongwon who was the aide to King Kojong and secret emissary to Russia. Kim, Kyusik was dispatched to the United States as a interpreter and private secretary to Prince Euiwha, the second son of King Kojong. As his father’s contact with modern world, Kim Kyusik contacted the modern western society through the traditional connection with King Kojong. Kim, Kyusik served as an secretary of Korean legation in Washington D.C. during his study at Roanoke College, VA., and was one of the secret emissaries of King Kojong to the Portsmouth Peace Conference in 1905. Kim, Kyusik was known as Korean representative to the Paris Peace Conference in 1919 but his diplomatic career was originated from the traditional Chosun Kingdom’s legacy and relation with King Kojong. Prince Euiwha, real name Yi, Kang was born as second son of King Kojong but his mother was past away after suffering Queen Min’s persecution and had no relatives to rely on. After Queen Min was killed by Japanese in 1895, Prince Euiwha was ousted to Japan until 1906. Prince Euiwha was the only one crown prince who was accustomed to the western world through his 11 years of de-facto exile in Japan and U.S. He studied at Roanoke College and Ohio Wesleyan University 1900-1904. But he was inevitably involved in the political turmoil of courts and conspiracy over the throne, King Kojong and Royal Concubine Umbi opposed the return of him to Korea. Also Prince Euiwha was not able to have a long-term perspective on his future. He did not devoted himself into studying abroad. When the protectorate agreement of 1905 was enforced to the Great Han Empire by Japan, he was managed to return to Korea with the help of Japan, After the annexation of Korea to Japan was established in 1910, Prince Euiwha became the key figure to propel the independence movement within the royal family members.

1945-1950 Introduction and Implementation of Worker Protection System in North Korea

Lee, Se Young | 2023, (152) | pp.201~234 | number of Cited : 0

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This study is an attempt to clarify a part of the character of the North Korean people’s democratic system by analyzing specific cases of democratic reform after liberation. In North Korea, in the process of democratic reform, various labor laws were enacted to protect workers and institutionalized the social insurance system. From the perspective of the North Korean regime, it had the aspect of securing the support of workers and propagating the superiority of the system, but the aspect of improving the lives of workers could not be ignored. Labor protection measures were also necessary to protect the life and safety of workers. Labor protection measures started with coal mines and mines, which are particularly dangerous sectors, and have been expanded to all industries since 1948. This also included maternal protection measures for female workers, facilitating women’s entry into workers. The implementation of labor protection measures reduced accidents at North Korean production sites, but they were not completely eradicated. There were still many workplaces where proper protection measures were not taken, and there was a tendency to avoid workplace responsibility by attributing the responsibility for the accident to the carelessness of workers. As such, the social insurance system and labor protection measures appeared as policies for workers in the formation of a people’s democratic system in North Korea and were of great significance in that they directly affect the body and health of workers. The early introduction of these worker protection systems showed the nature of the ‘bilateral contract’ of state-labor relations under the North Korean people’s democratic system. In other words, it was intended to make workers fulfill their obligations to increase production as much as the state obligates to protect workers.

The Rise of Historical Consciousness and Presentism : Changes in the Purpose of Korean History Education in the 1970s and 1980s

Sunny Hong | 2023, (152) | pp.235~274 | number of Cited : 0

This article aims to investigate the background of the prevalence of historical consciousness discourse in Korean society during the 1970s and 1980s. It also explores the significance of this discourse being established as the ultimate goal of the ‘7080 Government-designated Textbook System’ from both intellectual and historical perspectives. In the 1970s, as a sense of crisis and anxiety overwhelmed Korean society due to military and security crises, as well as rapid modernization and westernization, Koreans began to feel the onset of a transitional era. Under these circumstances, the concept of historical consciousness became highly popular within intellectual circles. As the discourse of historical consciousness gained traction, arguments emerged both within and outside academia that posited historical consciousness as the ultimate goal of national history education. As a result, historical consciousness emerged as the final and ultimate goal of national history education in the 1970s and 1980s. However, while government-led historical consciousness in the 1970s emphasized national patriotism based on pride in traditional culture, the 1980s witnessed the emergence of a resistant historical consciousness that prioritized unification and democratization as primary objectives. On the one hand, in terms of the purpose and usefulness of history, presentism can be defined as ‘the belief that the significance of history lies in solving current problems and contributing to future progress.’ Both government-mandated historical consciousness and resistance historical consciousness shared the characteristic of ideologizing history education under the guise of historical consciousness. Therefore, the historical consciousness that served as the ultimate purpose of national history education under the ‘7080 Government-designated Textbook System’ was rooted in presentism. It viewed history not for its own inherent value or to respect the past, but as something to be learned with a clear sense of purpose — to utilize it for present and future development and progress.

The Current Status and Utilization of Data Related to the June 10th Independence Movement: Focusing on Police, Prosecutors, and Courts Data

CHOI EUN JIN | 2023, (152) | pp.277~328 | number of Cited : 0

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The Review of Korean History 2023 KCI Impact Factor : 1.02

2023, Vol., No.152