2024, Vol., No.153

Goguryeo Traitors and Their Evaluations in the Biographies of 『SamgukSagi』

Choi, Il Rye | 2024, (153) | pp.005~054 | number of Cited : 0

The focus of this study is on the evaluations made by the compilers of the 󰡔SamgukSagi󰡕 regarding the Goguryeo traitorous figures found within its biographies. Among the characters featured in the biographies, there are three Goguryeo individuals who committed acts of treason: MyeongrimDapbu, Changsori, and YeongaeSomun. Although all three engaged in treasonous acts, their evaluations varied. MyeongrimDapbu’s deeds are chronicled in the 5th volume of the biographies, categorized under the righteous type. In contrast, Changsori and YeongaeSomun are depicted in the 9th volume as traitors. Interestingly, there is little disparity between the accounts of Changsori and YeongaeSomun in the Goguryeo Annals and the biographies. However, the records of YeongaeSomun’s involvement in battles against the Tang dynasty are more detailed in the Goguryeo Annals. This indicates the compilers’ tendency in the 󰡔SamgukSagi󰡕 not to redundantly elaborate on the same facts. On the other hand, MyeongrimDapbu’s deeds exhibit disparities. While the Goguryeo Annals document MyeongrimDapbu’s act of assassinating King Cha, such records are omitted in the biographies. This divergence can be attributed to the compilers’ subjective selection and evaluation process. The compilers of the 󰡔SamgukSagi󰡕 commended MyeongrimDapbu for his significant victory against the invading forces of Han, under the leadership of King Shin. When King Shin sought advice on how to confront the Han army, MyeongrimDapbu suggested waiting until their provisions were depleted before launching an attack. King Shin accepted this counsel, leading to a decisive victory. The way MyeongrimDapbu dealt with the invading forces of Han resembled Kim Busik’s strategy in suppressing the rebel forces in Seogyeong by anticipating a favorable moment. Upon MyeongrimDapbu’s death, King Shin mourned for seven days, suspended court duties, and arranged for a grand funeral procession. The boundless trust and respect shown by King Shin towards MyeongrimDapbu exemplified the ideal relationship between a sovereign and a trusted subject, demonstrating unwavering belief and loyalty in delegation of tasks. In the end, the compilers of the 󰡔SamgukSagi󰡕 aimed to emphasize through MyeongrimDapbu the merits of Kim Busik, who suppressed the rebel forces by anticipating a favorable moment, as well as to highlight the exemplary loyalty shown by Myeongrim Dapbu until his final moments, portraying him as a loyal subject who earned boundless trust.

Local Governance and Buddhist Temples in the Taebaeksan Area from the Unified Silla to the Goryeo Dynasty

Jeong, Yokeun | 2024, (153) | pp.055~104 | number of Cited : 0

The Life and Political Activities of Yi Jik, a Contributor to the Early Joseon Dynasty

Yunjoo Kim | 2024, (153) | pp.105~142 | number of Cited : 0

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This paper analyzes the life and political activities of Yi Jik(李稷, 1362∼1431), Gaegukgongsin(Dynastic Foundation Merit Subject), Jwamyeonggongsin(Taejong Merit Subject) in the early Joseon Dynasty. Yi Jik faced a political crisis in the late Goryeo Dynasty due to the fall of his uncle Yi In-im and the Yun Yi·Yi Cho incidents, but after Jeong Mong-joo was assassinated, he was incorporated into the Yi Seong-gye faction. After the founding of the Joseon Dynasty, he played an active role in diplomacy and capital relocation and construction as a Gaegukgongsin. However, during the First Prince’s Rebellion, he was in Jeong Do-jeon’s faction, and after the uprising ended, he cooperated with King Taejong’s regime. After King Taejong ascended the throne, he was active in various fields, including government administration and ceremonial maintenance, as a Jwamyeonggongsin. However, after Min Mu-hyul’s death in 1415, his father-in-law, Yi Jik, was also expelled from politics for nearly seven years. In addition, his return to politics during the reign of King Sejong was carried out according to Retired King Taejong’s wishes, and it is believed that this was because he was a suitable person to take charge of Uijeongbu(Board of Supreme Council) in the reign of King Sejong. He had long experience in the management of diplomacy, rituals, and legislation, and was familiar with government administration as he served as a minister of Uijeongbu during the reign of King Taejong. Afterwards, he played an important role as an facilitator in establishing the political foundation of King Sejong. During the period of political change from Goryeo to Joseon, Yi Jik was active in politics for quite a long time. However, the process of being in the opposing faction of Yi Seong-gye in the late Goryeo Dynasty and being appointed as a Gaegukgongsin after the founding of the Joseon Dynasty, and the process of being a member of Jeong Do-jeon’s faction during the First Prince’s Rebellion and being appointed as a Jwamyeonggongsin after King Taejong came to power, are not clearly explained. In this regard, it is noteworthy that when Yi Jik was involved in the Min Mu-hyul incident, King Taejong evaluated his past actions as ‘Banryongbubong(Grab the dragon’s scales and climb on the phoenix’s wings to achieve success; Pursuing a great king and making achievements)’. It is believed that he wanted to fulfill his duties as a bureaucrat rather than leading a change in power. On the one hand, he can be seen to have responded very flexibly to changes in power at the time. He also played a leading role in the process of establishing a political system at the beginning of the founding of the nation. His political capabilities were most actively displayed in the process of establishing Joseon’s political system during the reign of King Taejong. In addition, after returning to politics in 1422, he became a great helper in establishing King Sejong’s political foundation and also played a role in continuing the political system previously planned by King Taejong.

An analysis of murder types and murderers in Sejong Age of Joseon

Park, Jinhoon | 2024, (153) | pp.143~202 | number of Cited : 0

King Sejong himself used to review the murder case and make the final judgment on the murderer. The records related to the murderer reviewed by Sejong not only contain the basic details of the murder case, such as the name of the murderer and the relationship between the murderer and the victim, but also the detailed information related to murder types, such as Gusal(hit to kill) and Mosal(planned murder), so that the motive, intention, and method of the murder can be known. King Sejong’s The murder acts in Sejong Age can be roughly classified into 3 types. First, the murder was classified according to the intentionality such as Mosal(planned murder), Gosal(intentional murder) and Osal(murder by mistake), Heesal(mischievous murder). Second, it was classified according to the method of murder such as Gusal(hit to kill), Tasal(beat to kill), Chuksal(kick to kill), Doksal(poison to kill), Gyosal(choke to kill), burn to kill and curse to kill. Third, it was classified according to its motive such as Tusal(killing while fighting), Tugusal(killing by hit while fighting), robbery or theft murder, and jealousy murder. As such, the murders in Sejong Age were classified and examined according to three criteria: intentionality, method of murder, and motive for murder. In other words, the murder cases were not examined according to the same uniform standards, but diverse standards. A total of 562 murders were examined during the 32 years of King Sejong’s reign. Among them, the cases of 401 murderers were specified in detail, of which 125 were planned murderers; 110 were hit or beat murderers; 40 were murderers while fighting. The murder by plan accounted for approximately 31.2% of the murders for which specific details were available; hit or beat murder accounted for approximately 27.4%; and fight murder and fight-hit murder accounted for approximately 10%. In cases of planned murder, intentional murder, hit murder, and beat murder, the relationship between the murderer and the victim could be analyzed. Among the 28 planned murderers who killed their husbands, the majority had a secret lover, and all of the secret lovers participated in the murder of their mistress’s husband. The second most cases were the murders where a slave or high-rank official killed the master or the master’s relatives. The third type was to kill a family member or relative. In the case of planned murder, relatively weak persons conspired together to overcome their inferiority and commit the planned murder. The intentional murder mainly occurred in kinship relationships. Unlike the planned murder, the persons of the higher position in the kinship relationship committed the murder using their superior power. In the case of hit and beat murders, husbands used to beat their wives to death, and the murder also often occurred between relatives. Hit and beat murders happened between various relatives within the fourth degree of consanguinity, and the main cause of conflict was economic issues. In addition, there were many cases where slaves beat to kill their masters or master’s relatives. In other words, the majority of hit or beat murders occurred among family members or relatives, and then within the social relationship between masters and slaves.

Analysis of Titles bestowed(封號) to the female members of the Joseon Royal family, during the time from the Dynasty Founder’s days through King Seongjong’s reign, and their Houses: With a Focus on Daegun-Bu’in(大君夫人) and Gun-Bu’in(君夫人) figures

Mi sean Lee | 2024, (153) | pp.203~254 | number of Cited : 0

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This article contains a preliminary study that would hopefully contribute to further studies of the nature of certain houses to which the female members of the Joseon Royal family belonged in the early days of the dynasty, as well as studies of the role of the Royal family’s in-law houses. The goal of this article is to catalogue all the houses of the Daegun-Bu’in(大君夫人) and Gun-Bu’in(君夫人) figures of the Joseon Royal family, and the history of Selected Royal concubines(Gantaek Hugung, 揀擇後宮) from the days of the Dynasty founder(Taejo, 太祖) through the reign of King Seongjong(成宗). Examined here are total of 127 females, including 25 Gantaek Hugung figures (with the exception of Royal princesses who bore royal blood and thus had no Pum[品] ranks), as well as 102 females who were wives of the Royal princes. These females were addressed with their bestowed Myeongbu(命婦) titles[爵號], so their official titles are also examined here. Titles of the Joseon Royal family females were developed with the establishment of the Joseon Myeongbu system, which was compiled of official titles[名號] that were to be bestowed(or assigned, 封號) by the government to females married to the Royal family males or other governmental officials. The term Myeongbu itself was a generic term that referred to females who were officially designated by the state, while the system, under the leadership of the Queen, featured two tracks of females: the Inner Myeongbu figures(Nae-Myeongbu, 內命婦) and the Outer Myeongbu figures(We-Myeongbu, 外命婦). Royal concubines received titles associated with the former track, while wives of princes received titles associated with the latter. The latter track was initiated for the very first time in 1396(5th year of Founder Taejo’s reign) when the Ijo(吏曹, Office of Personnel Assignment) office decided to modify titles that had been bestowed to wives of governmental(civil and military) officials. Later the system was revised in 1417(17th year of the reign of Taejong/太宗) and 1432(14th year of the reign of Sejong/世宗), and was also documented in the Joseon Law Code Gyeongguk Daejeon(經國大典) compiled during the Seongjong era. The titles for Daegun-Bu’in and Gun-Bu’in became Bu-Bu’in(府夫人) and Gun-Bu’in(郡夫人) respectively, with both figures harboring the Jeong-1-pum[正一品] rank. Females who obtained this rank through marriages with the Royal princes sometimes lost their status due to political controversies or breach of moral conduct, and in those cases their titles were also adjusted or modified. Among the 127 figures examined here, 24 cases can be spotted, ranging from Daegun-Bu’in figures married to males who later became Kings, to Queens and Royal concubines who were stripped of their ranks and summarily dismissed from the palace, to Daegun-Bu’in figures who were forcibly divorced, and to Gantaek Hugung figures who were promoted to the status of Queen. Analysis of the household names of all 127 Joseon Royal family females from the era of Taejo to Seongjong reveals: 25 Gantaek Hugung figures—married to total of 10 kings—who collectively feature 15 last names[姓氏] and 19 hometowns[貫鄕], as well as 102 females married to 78 Royal princes featuring 32 last names and 58 hometowns. There were 40 Daegun-Bu’in figures from 28 houses, while 62 prince-wives from 47 houses. The Royal family of this time displayed quite a range in its marital network, and the unequal nature of the relationship between Daegun figures and other princes does not seem to have affected their marriages with Sa-Daebu(士大夫, Scholar/Official) households.

The Court’s Composition and the Evaluation of the Rule of King Kwanghae after King Injo’s Coup of 1623

Hanshin Kim | 2024, (153) | pp.255~312 | number of Cited : 0

A Comparative Study on the Acceptance of Joseon’s hoeguagmyo(灰槨墓) and Ming China’s jiaojiangmu(澆漿墓)

Kim Young kwan | 2024, (153) | pp.313~348 | number of Cited : 0

After its founding, the Joseon Dynasty sought to adopt various institutions modeled after the Ming Dynasty. The same applied to funeral rites. From the reign of King Sejong (r.1418-1450) onward, there was a proactive effort to obtain the Daming Jili (The Collected Rites of Great Ming, 大明集禮), which synthesized Ming’s rites, but it could not be acquired. This was because Ming was passive in disseminating it to neighboring countries. The Daming Jili was obtained in Joseon around the fifth year of King Seongjong (r.1469-1494). As a result, even after acquiring the Daming Jili. Joseon did not strictly adhere to Ming’s institutions and established its own system. Consequently, the funeral rites using lime, which were applied to scholars and commoners in Ming’s Daming Jili, became the funeral rites applied to both the king, nobles, and commoners in Joseon. Joseon’s hoeguagmyo (lime mixed soil tombs, 灰槨墓) and China’s jiaojiangmu (lime mixed soil tombs, 澆漿墓) are essentially the same in that they both used three materials (lime, sand, and yellow soil) to construct graves. If the naming of China’s jiaojiangmu is based on the materials used, Joseon’s hoeguagmyo is named based on the final result created by utilizing the materials. Similar to Joseon’s hoeguagmyo, the Ming dynasty’s jiaojiangmu, constructed after forming togwang (earthen mounds, 土壙), can be referred to as ‘togwang-jiaojiangmu’. While Ming tombs exhibit various forms, such as creating brick chambers or stone chambers and then filling the surroundings with samhapto (a mixture of three soils, 三合土), Joseon’s hoeguagmyo, similar to the Ming dynasty’s togwang-jiaojiangmu, were prevalent. Whether it be the Ming dynasty’s jiaojiangmu or Joseon’s hoeguagmyo, both covered their coffins and burial chambers with lime, ensuring confidentiality and airtightness. Thanks to this, the contents, such as the corpse, burial clothes (殮襲衣), and supplementary items, stored in the coffin and chamber, could be well-preserved. As a result, items buried together during the tomb construction are often found in a well-maintained state without decay or damage. In the future, research on Joseon’s hoeguagmyo and Ming dynasty’s jiaojiangmu will continue. The excavated items, including clothing and crafts, can serve as crucial materials for comparing and studying the clothing and craftsmanship techniques of Joseon and Ming.

The Dynamics of Management and Development of Mount Geumgang during the Japanese Colonial Period : Examining the 1930 “Conference on the Preservation and Management of Mt. Geumgang”

Son, Yong Seok | 2024, (153) | pp.349~384 | number of Cited : 0

Through an examination of the context in which a series of meetings were held in the early 1930s regarding Geumgangsan, as well as the specific discussions that took place at these meetings, this article aims to identify the historical pathways through which these meetings were organized in 1930 and to capture the different actors with different interests in the mountain. Externally, the meeting was set against the backdrop of concrete attempts to implement a national park system in Japan in the late 1920s. Internally, it was triggered by the 1929 Chosun Expo and the opening of the Geumgangsan Railway’s Danbaljeong Tunnel. The significant increase in the number of tourists visiting Geumgangsan made the governor general realize the value of Geumgangsan as a tourism resource, and the high evaluation of Geumgangsan by national park experts who participated in the 1929 Agriculture and Forestry Congress also contributed to the governor general’s decision to actively manage the mountain. At the meeting, which was chaired by the Chief Minister and attended by representatives from the General Administration, Gangwon Province, and Geumgangsan Electric Railway, the Ministry of Forestry made its position clear as the organizer of the meeting, based on the Governor General’s intention that it was appropriate for the Ministry of Forestry to take over the management of Geumgangsan. Geumgangsan Railway led the meeting by calling for the development of the Jangansa area of the Inner Geumgang River and the improvement of the main trail from the Inner Geumgang River through Birovong to the Outer Geumgang River. To this end, Geumgangsan appointed Matasaburo Ando, who has considerable experience in the railroad industry, as its executive director to increase its negotiating power with the governorate. One of the more stark disagreements between the two sides was how to finance the future development of Mount Kumgang. Geumgangsan Electric Railway proposed a budget of 1 million won over a 10-year period, but was immediately met with opposition from the Ministry of Railroads, which did not see the need to develop Geumgangsan as soon as it had completed its tourist attractions centered around the Onjeongri River. It was also extremely wary of further straining its budget after the Great Depression of 1929 and was reluctant to invest money in the development of Geumgangsan. In addition, internal circumstances such as the sudden death of Kume, the president of the Geumgangsan Electric Railway, and the resignation of Ando, who led the development of Geumgangsan, made it difficult to put additional budgetary pressure on the mountain. In response, the Ministry of Forestry of the Governor General tried to secure its own budget for the project, but this was unsuccessful, and the first steps toward the designation of Geumgangsan National Park were not smooth. Despite these limitations, the 1930 Conference on the Preservation of Geumgangsan served as an opportunity to expose and reconcile the positions of various actors who had established their own interests in the mountain after the Japanese occupation.

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The Review of Korean History 2023 KCI Impact Factor : 1.02

2024, Vol., No.153