2010, Vol.17, No.2

Political propensities in the RussianFar East and Siberia

강혜련 , Park, Jae-wook | 2010, 17(2) | pp.1~22 | number of Cited : 0

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East-Sea Rim as A Research Regionin Area Studies

KWON Se Eun | 2010, 17(2) | pp.23~38 | number of Cited : 4

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This paper reviews the East-Sea rim as a research region in the field of area studies based on the level of normative and epistemological perspective. When a area specialist investigates regional problems, he/she needs to answer a few of questions relates to normative and epistemological perspective, for instance, why do I need to study about a certain region? How do I conduct the research with this specific region?The concept of East-Sea rim as a research agenda has not been seriously recognized in scholarly field and seems to be used as an abstract terminology in social and natural science. However, the existential meaning of the East-Sea rim region tends to arouse researchers' interest and have become a generalized concept from the last decade. Therefore, the concept of East-Sea rim is regarded as a specialized research agenda which includes the necessity of systematized study. The purpose of East-sea rim research, as a whole, is to investigate and understand the regional mechanism which could be revealed in terms of the very existence of regional reality. I regard East-sea rim region as one of regions implying ‘complex adaptive system’ at the primary category, and presume the unit level of this region which cannot be reducible to the level of element. I also assume that the whole system of the region is not the same as a sum of independent parts. In sum, I emphasize, the East-Sea rim region needs to be recognized as a composite of multi-layered properties. In other words, it shouldn't be understood as a strictly hierarchical system organized in mechanistic manner, rather, it can be better represented as a form of ‘complex adaptive system.’ Such a system in which the behavior of the whole system cannot be predictable by focusing on the analysis of its components' behaviors, and each property of the whole system tends to emerge from the initial level into the next level - these multi-leveled analysis can be overlapped in the process of investigating.

Dealing with the past in Czech and Slovakia - focusing on the re-interpretation of 'lustration' -

Shin Kyu Kim | 2010, 17(2) | pp.39~60 | number of Cited : 6

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Most of the post-communist Eastern European countries have been carrying out various projects to deal with the past. Measures to deal with the past are classified into judicial proceedings on the infringements of human rights which were done by communist regimes, truth-findings, reparations to the victims and personal vettings on his or her past behaviours. Although Czech and Slovakia had experienced common communist pasts from 1948 until 1989, they have been responding to the communist past quite differently. In 1991, when the Czech and Slovakia was single state as Czech and Sloavak Federal Republic, the federal parliament passed "Lustration law" to deal with the communist pasts. The aim of lustration law which was to vet high position officials whether they were agents or collaborators with communist secret police is to exclude some dubious high-positioned officials from their present and in the next some years positions. After the break-up of a common state in 1993, Czech republic have been pursuing the lustration law vigorously, but Slovakia has little interest in dealing with the past and did not enforce the lustration law until it's expiring in 1996. It was not until V. Mečiar was defeated in 1998 election that the dealing with past was started to be shown interest in public and political circles. The dealing with the past has been enforced in Slovakia until the Nation’s Memory Act which is on the disclosure of documents regarding the activity of state security authorities in the period 1939-1989 and on founding the Nation’s Memory Institute (Ústav pamäti národa) and on amending certain acts (553/2002 zákon) was passed in the The National Council. But in this case the Nation’s Memory Act is not alike in character with the lustration law in the Czech Republic. In fact the Nation’s Memory Act in Slovakia is not necessarily classified as lustration law which has been enforced in other post-communist countries. If so, why the Czech Republic and the Slovakia have been responding to the dealing with the past so differently is the question in this article. Although there are some factors why the Slovakia has pursued different measures to the past, I stress the two factors which have strong effects on the dealing with the past in Slovakia. Those are political games in Slovakia and different level of legitimacy on the communist regime between the Czechs and Slovaks. After all, the character of communist regimes and the mode of transition from communist regime to democratic one are important factors to analyze the causes and effects of lustration, but the specific political culture is essential to understand the dealing with the past and lustration in the Czech Republic and Slovakia.

The regional integration process between Northwest Russia and European Union -focusing on the experience of the Hanseatic Leaguein the Baltic Sea region-

Kim, Young Sool | 2010, 17(2) | pp.61~81 | number of Cited : 2

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Russia and European Union are required the effective regional cooperation in the Baltic Sea region because of geographical changes and the relationship in Europe, the possibility of the bipolar system in Europe, and the conditions of the integration in the northwest region of Russia or the choice of modernization's changes. This article examines the possibility of regional integration through regional cooperation between Northwest Russia and European Union. This article analyzes the integration process and regional cooperation through the Hanseatic League in the Baltic Sea Region from globalization and regional integration perspective. At the level of regional integration, it is not possible that a Russia's European Union will become membership, and Russia has not the possibility of the FTA Agreement between Europe and Russia, formation of the customs union or a single market. There is no possibility at all the Economic Union and full economic integration between Europe and Russia. In addition, realization of a common European economic space remains as the object of theoretical discussions. This is a dilemma to Russia in the orientation of economic integration and protection of sovereignty. In this situation, the experience of the Hanseatic League has many implications. The Hanseatic League was the main direction of globalization based on the trade economic through the process the region of integration. The Hanseatic League was the key of localization, it is composed of cities, not countries. The Hanseatic League is based on free merchants network, border cooperation and free trade economic system. It played an important role for the Hanseatic economic community. Therefore, the New Hanseatic League is the most optimal format for the new regional integration in Europe and Russia. It is local resources. Moreover, the Hanseatic League is the unique and powerful tool which will give new opportunities to expand influence in the Baltic Sea to Russia.

Study on China's Military Diplomacyin the Korean Peninsula: Definition, Strategy and Features

김태현 | 2010, 17(2) | pp.83~102 | number of Cited : 4

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An analysis on the relationship between the environmental regulation and the export specialization pattern in renewable energy industry

BONGSUK SUNG | 2010, 17(2) | pp.103~125 | number of Cited : 7

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International Relations as an American Social Science and Academic Freedom: A Need for an Expansion of Research Programmes and the Discussion of Taboo Subjects in International Relations

Yang Chun Hee | 2010, 17(2) | pp.127~148 | number of Cited : 2

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Kant's Perpetual Peace and Young Seek Choue's Oughtopian Peace Theory：A Three-Level Analysis

오영달 , 하영애 | 2010, 17(2) | pp.149~171 | number of Cited : 2

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This article makes a comparative analysis of Kant’s treatise on “Perpetual Peace” and Young Seek Choue’s Oughtopian Peace Theory. The analysis is based on the three levels in International Relations, i.e., individual, state, and international. Kant pays keen attention to the maintenance of adequate free and equal relations among individual persons as the starting point for perpetual peace. In the level of state, Kant emphasizes the existence of republican constitution and representative system in which people’s freedom, equality and independence are guaranteed because people would not agree to the illegitimate and burdensome war. In the international level, the pacific federation of republican states are the key stone for perpetual peace. In addition, the cosmopolitan right to hospitality should be recognized for foreigners. s Young Seek Choue was influenced by the Enlightenment thinkers, he shows some common characteristics with them including Kant. Nevertheless, he demonstrates his own unique theoretical viewpoints which are differentiated from Kant’s. In the individual level, Choue also emphasizes the importance of free and equal relations and co-prosperity based on his human-centrism. In the state level, Choue advocates a universal democracy as a synthesis of what he calls freedom-centric political democracy and equality-centric economic democracy. Again, he emphasizes the importance of co-prosperity of all the peoples of the world on the basis of the universal democracy. In the international level, Choue argues that humankind are moving toward regional cooperation society and regional common society and global cooperation society and global common society beyond the existing nation-states. In this context, he contends that the UN should be strengthened and play a central role in maintaining world peace and prosperity beyond narrow national interest. Choue's life-long meditation on and efforts for world peace cannot be overestimated. It is expected that the theoretical elements of his vision for world peace will be a crucial guideline for the contemporary and upcoming humankind.

Italy between European Integration and Atlantic Alliance - Changes and Continuity of the Berlusconi Government's Foreign Policy -

SONPHIL LEE | 2010, 17(2) | pp.173~197 | number of Cited : 0

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This study is to revaluate the foreign policy of Silvio Berlusconi who is being criticized for having deteriorated the traditional Italian foreign policy. For this purpose, I try to reexamine his european and atlantic policies and assess what differences have his europeanism and atlanticism from those of 'the first Republic' and the Center-left. As seen in his attitudes with regard to the EMU, Airbus A400M, and EAW, the Berlusconi's criticism against european integration was personal and a means to protect Italy's national interest. And his europeanism and atlanticism had continuity with the traditional ones in that he tried to protect national interest during the process of european integration but did not oppose to the already created institutions. He decided to send Italian troops to Afghanistan and Iraq despite of the opposition from the public opinion. This policy was criticized from the opposition for being been against european approach and having delegated Italian foreign policy to the USA. He, thus, received a stern rebuke from the europeans as being anti-european and pro-atlantic. It is true that he favoured the USA to the European Union. But this has nothing to do with the anti-europeanism, but on the contrary is similar to the traditional Italian foreign policy. In spite of the continuity that we have seen, though, his europeanism was different from the traditional one. His europeanism was more realistic, while that of 'the first Republic' and the Center-left was a mixture of idealism and realism. Also his atlanticism was different from that of the past and the Center-left, because he played an active atlanticism, contrary to their passive atlanticism. I think that the evaluation about his foreign policy need to be conducted separately from the negative assessment of a brutal and corrupt businessman.

The evaluation and implication on Chinese Soft Power - focusing on the result of international public opinion poll -

이영학 | 2010, 17(2) | pp.199~219 | number of Cited : 8

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This article presents that whether the strategic external goals that China is making an effort to achieve from the international society are consistent with its actual awareness, to evaluate Chinese Soft Power in an analytic manner. Considering that strategic external goals of Chinese Soft Power are to eliminate public opinion of anti‐Chinese like ‘China threat theory’ and to build up the positive national brand image as a ‘responsible power’ in the international society, this article utilizes the public opinion poll to measure on how the international society is aware of Chinese influence and the national image. The international public opinion poll on Chinese influence showed that ‘China threat theory’ has been almost disappeared and instead ‘China opportunity theory’ has been widely spread out in the developing countries and under‐developed countries. At the same time, however, ‘China responsibility theory’ is coming in the developed countries in and around USA and Europe, which demands more responsibilities from China. With regard to the evaluation on Chinese national image, the poll comparatively showed the big differences from the geographic perspective. Even though the 3.14 Tibet Riots and the negative report of western media made a huge impact, Chinese national image is being built on in a positive way as a whole. But it can be assured that there still remain many differences in comparison with the other major powerful nations and international organization. Considering that the awareness of the international society on Chinese influence and the national image, known through the international public opinion poll, is the most immediate results of China’s efforts to establish Chinese Soft Power, though gained achievements, there is still long way to go further. Therefore, I contend that China consistently focuses on economic development going forward, which is the core resources of Chinese Soft Power and at the same time, effectively manages the demand on ‘China Responsibility Theory’, political reformation and the other social issues, and especially reinforces the communication with western nations.

A study on the French rhetoric and the diverse themes on stylistic doctrinesin 17th century

LEE Jong-Oh | 2010, 17(2) | pp.221~239 | number of Cited : 1

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Chinese traditional recognition of the ocean and the meaning of the ban on the ocean

Jun-Tae Lee | 2010, 17(2) | pp.241~253 | number of Cited : 4

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2010, Vol.17, No.2