2005, Vol., No.80

The Review of Korean History 2023 KCI Impact Factor : 1.02

pISSN : 1225-133X
https://journal.kci.go.kr/hksh

Gungye Regime moved its capital city several times, including the ones from Cheolwon to Gaesung, from Gaesung back again to Cheolwon. But the movement in 896 A.D, was non-systematically made because its national system was not well organized. In 898 A.D., when they moved their capital to Songak, even the name of a new state was not yet made so that it could not adequately be called a proper-type of movement of a capital city. In 904 A.D., Gungye changed both his nation title and his royal year and he settled down 1,000 families of Cheongju to Cheolwon in 905 A.D. In the process, Gungye promoted Cheolwon to a capital-level titled city, calling it "a New Capital City", which was differed from other cities, because it implied that a capital city governed by an emperor. In this imperial city, Gungye wished to realize his marvellous national program. Through several innovations, including the reorganization of governmental system, and the establishment of novel relationship with neighboring governments, he tried to realize his vision of an ideal state. Building lofty palaces, he wanted to promote a royal status, and he also had a will to renovate the traditional class system. Gungye wanted to realize several ambitious programs in and around his capital city of Cheolwon. In the process of execution, he met obstacles from political opponents, resulting his own downfall. But his own tragedy put a great influence upon Goryo regime. Gungye's idea to set an imperial city in Cheolwon shows his dream to transform the original power structure, from Shilla-centeredness to Cheolwon- centeredness, as an emperor-governing capital city in the mid-central region of the Korean peninsula. In this respect we must interpret the year 905 A.D., as the first year of Gungye's imperial state.

The religious belief in Kṣitigarbhaḥ(地藏信仰) during the Goryeo period has the look of belief which is fundamentally based on the Buddhist canon, Ksitigarbha-pranidahāna-sūtra(地藏菩薩本願經) Consequently at that time the belief in Kṣitigarbhaḥ was noticeably combined with the belief in Amitabha. And the Jeomchal Buddhist Mass, a congregation which had originated from the Silla Period, was transformed into the association praying for the Western Paradise(the Amitabha's Pure Land, 西方極樂淨土). It also showed the interest in salvaging the souls of the dead and therefore, the idea of Afterlife was prevalent more apparently than former times. Meanwhile the Kṣitigarbhaḥ belief found another way : it mingled with the belief in Siwang, founded on the Bulseolyesoosiwang-sūtra(佛說預修十王經)which had been written at the end of Tang Dynasty in China. And it altered to the belief in Kṣitigarbhaḥ and ten Kings of hell(地藏十王信仰). The Kṣitigarbhaḥ(地藏菩薩) manifested its identity clearly as a supernatural being (King of hell) controlling over hell, enlightening and salvaging the dead. Especially the chances of salvation through offerings provided by the surviving families or relatives, gathered strength among people. So the belief in Kṣitigarbhaḥ during the Goryeo Period does not emphasize the existence of hell unlike China. During the Goryeo Period, the Kṣitigarbhaḥ belief partly took on the form of the belief in Jijang and Siwang. But it had more similarities with the belief in Amitabha, appreciating the value of Ksitigarbha‘s ritual practice(追善供養).

Opening of Korea in 1876 was that of having change of the Korean international relations instead of the problem of the simple opening of a country. While Korea maintained a tributary relation as international relations of pre-modern East Asia, Japan and the West connected the treaty relation which carries out a basis to modern international law. Thus, Korea had to promote a enlightenment policy for independent modernization, while different international order lived together. Consequently promotion of a Korean enlightenment policy became the cause by which China could interfere in Korean internal affairs, conversely by this. China gave strong pressure in the direction of politics and military affairs to Korea from the military-civilian riots in 1882 to China retreated from Korea by the Sino-Japanese War. This became the decisive external factor which blocks that Korea shifts to modern society in such reasons. Like a wide-ranging agreement of Korea and China in 1882, it became the foundation of the basis of this external factor. Although the traditional tributary relation between Korea and China collapsed as a result of the agreement, the problem that Korea was the tributary of China traditionally became the thesis used by Korea, China, and Japan for each country. Consequently, the view that abandonment of the traditional tributary relation between Korea and China was originating in defeat of China from the Sino-Japanese War appeared. It is a wilful distortion of facts. In short, after the farmer war in 1894 broke out by failure of the internal affairs of the Korean government, the argument whether Korea is the tributary of China or to be an independence country was one in the example in which three nations used the traditional tributary relation for conventionality. This purpose was that China tended to maintain modern colony-control as it was in Korea, the Japan side tended to seize it.