2018, Vol.75, No.1

Characterization and Periodization of the ‘Modern Age’ of General Korean Histories from Liberation to the Early 1970s

Ryu, Kee-Hyun | 2018, 75(1) | pp.13~46 | number of Cited : 3

PDF

Changes of Descriptions about Resistance of the People Against the Ruling Classes in the Premodern Period in Modern and Contemporary Korean Linear History Books

CHOI HYERIN | 2018, 75(1) | pp.47~82 | number of Cited : 0

PDF

This article reviewed the descriptions concerning resistance by the oppressed people in the premodern period that appeared in important Korean linear history books published from the 1890s to the 1980s. To achieve this goal, this article reviewed Dongguksaryak (1906) by Hyun Che, Sinpyeon Joseonyeoksa (1923) by Hwang Uidon, Joseon saheo kyeongjesa (1933) by Beak Namwoon, Joseon bonggun saheo kyeongjesa (1937) by Beak Namwoon, Joseon yeoksa dokbon (1937) by Lee Chungwon, Joseonsa daekwan (1948) by Lee Byngdo, Joseonsa kyojeong (1948) by Jeon Sukdam, Kuksa deayo (1949) by Sohn Jintae, Kuksa sinron (1961) by Lee Kibaik, Hankuksa sinron (A New History of Korea, 1967, 1976) by Lee Kibaik, and Hankuk minjungsa (1986) by the Research Group for History of the Minjung. The colonial period is the most important in this article because the resistance by the oppressed people in the premodern period was highly rated in Korean linear history for the first time. In this period, liberalistic descriptions appeared in linear history books written by the school of Nationalist and Culturalist history, and socialistic descriptions appeared in linear history books written by the school of materialist history. These two styles of descriptions continued and fused after liberation and established themselves as two important explanations about resistance by the oppressed people in the premodern period. After the Korean War, as materialist history disappeared in South Korea, such socialistic descriptions also officially disappeared. But socialistic descriptions had some influence in South Korean history as South Korean historians tried to overcome limitations by borrowing some factors of materialist history in the course of the decolonization movement. Advanced socialistic descriptions about the resistance by the oppressed people reappeared in South Korean linear history books in the 1980s, with emphasis on the effort to overcome national division and the inflow of Maxism into the South Korean public sphere.

The Perception of ‘Poverty’ in Modern History Books: Focusing on Writings about the Pre-modern Period

Lim Da-Eun | 2018, 75(1) | pp.83~119 | number of Cited : 1

PDF

In modern society, the concept of ‘poverty’ features importantly in the social discourse. The dramatic socioeconomic changes, transitions in governmentality, and the birth of political thoughts pursuing liberty and equality contributed to the introduction of newly perceived ‘poverty’. The discourse on ‘poverty’ in historical texts reflected such intensive changes. Although historical texts published in the late 19th and early 20th century Korea contained modern historical conventions and lenses, the citation of pre-modern historical texts extended the Confucian ideology regarding the discourse of poverty. Baek Nam-Woon is the first to discuss the problem of ‘poverty’ as a social problem in history writing. Baek prescribed class as the fundamental cause of ‘poverty’ and expected that elimination of class would bring in a shift in social formation and dissolve ‘poverty.’ However, the liberation and division in Korea severed such traditions of historical materialism in South Korea, and opened the doors for Lee Ki-Baik’s perception on the cause of ‘poverty’ — that the pre-modern status system and tax policy had caused ‘poverty.’ On one hand, under the influence of the colonial historiography, historians recognized the contradictions between poverty and development, and conventionalized the narrative that the intensification of poverty in the late Chosun period deterred the autonomous modernization in Korea. However, historians in the 1960s searched for traces of internal development in Korea, and, in turn, disclaimed the severity of poverty in the late Chosun period. Post-1980s historians formed the history of the Minjung by inheriting the traditions of historical materialism and critically accepting the results of internal development. While these historians propose the problem of class as the cause of ‘poverty,’ they offer a more expansive view on the relationship between class and social institutions. Furthermore, the post-1980s historians suggest new possibilities of autonomous development in Korean history in expanding the narrative on ‘poverty’ and point to the problem of ‘poverty’ as the objective condition for the development of ‘Minjung’, the principle agent of reform.

Historical Recognition of Korean History Textbooks in High School through Linguistic Network Research: Focusing on the Meaning Structure of the Internal Development Theory

HurSoo | 2018, 75(1) | pp.121~176 | number of Cited : 7

PDF

The Change of ‘Revolution’ Narratives in High School Korean History Textbooks

Yoon Hyunsang | 2018, 75(1) | pp.177~218 | number of Cited : 1

PDF

In the early South Korean textbooks, ‘revolution’ was a tool that reflected the orientation of the regime in the form of narratives. The early Park Chung-hee regime attempted to derive its legitimacy by establishing the narrative of ‘revolution’ which started from the Donghak Revolution and extended to the April Revolution (April 19) and the May 16 military coup, which was considered the culmination of the ‘democratic revolution.’ After the Yushin Constitution was adopted, the regime established their legitimacy through the narrative of the ‘military revolution,’ which stemmed from the revolutionaries of new sadaebu (士大夫) which led to the Donghak Revolution and the May 16 coup. The Chun Doo-hwan regime was unable to use ‘revolution’ as its narrative, and thus Donghak was exempted from the history of revolution and the revolution narrative faded away in textbooks. The Kim Young-sam administration was the first to recognize the April Revolution as the only ‘revolution.’ This was a sign of democratization, but was similar with the attempts made by previous regimes, since the new administration was also trying to derive its legitimacy from a ‘revolution.’ The 7th National Curriculum marked a new beginning, as various revolutions that took place around the world and the term revolution in the socialist context also appeared in textbooks. The April Revolution was also defined as an ‘unfinished revolution.’ The appearance of various types of ‘revolutions’ led to the disappearance of the revolution narrative itself. The revolution narrative, which first appeared in textbooks published under the 2nd National Curriculum, was now lost. However, this also signified that ‘revolution’ was no longer a narrative for political reasons, but was coming closer to the meaning of ‘revolution’ in the context of world history.

A Study on the Historical Concept of Yusin (維新) Around the End of the Joseon Dynasty

Noh, KwanBum | 2018, 75(1) | pp.219~268 | number of Cited : 5

PDF

The Memory of Violence and the Narrative Repersentation in Navels of Kim Yu-jeong

QIAN CHUNHUA | 2018, 75(1) | pp.269~296 | number of Cited : 1

PDF

The Border of a ‘Novel’: On the Concept of the ‘Jangpyun Novel’ and the Problem of Style Regulation

Song Minho | 2018, 75(1) | pp.297~326 | number of Cited : 8

PDF

This article addresses the issue of when the ‘jangpyun novel’(掌篇小說, very short stories) or ‘conte’ was first introduced in Joseon during the Japanese Colonial Period. This was not the first time that short narratives of about one page had been produced; their origins can be found in the era that literate culture was first established. There are also many types of short narratives that appeared in newspapers around the 1900s. However, the origins to be discussed in this article refer to the way in which these short narratives were transferred into the tradition and history of novels through the naming of the ‘jangpyun novel’ or ‘yuppyun novel (葉篇小說)’. This point is relevant to the issue of what should be regarded as the border of a ‘novel’. In Joseon during the Japanese Colonial Period, the first example of a ‘jangpyun novel’ is represented by a series of short stories written by 17 novel writers of various political positions in the literary circles of the time, and published from March 1 to March 31, 1929 in the Newspaper Chosunilbo (朝鮮日報). This project was associated with the first literary conference that had been hosted by Chosunilbo at the end of February of that year. The then notion of jangpyun novel that emerged during this period came from the literary people who were interested in styles such as that of Kawabata Yasunari (川端康成) of Japan. Kawabata defined the jangpyun novel as the most Japanese narrative style, just as haiku was the most Japanese poem. The problem is that the writers who participated in the jangpyun novel serialization of the time had included the leftists and the rightists of the literary circle. The popular literary group represented by Choi Dokgyun and the KAPF group by Park Younghee (朴英熙), Kim Kijin (金基鎭), and Lee Kiyoung (李箕永) arrived at a dedicate arrangement through the specific genre, jangpyun novel. There were several members of KAPF who sympathized with the usefulness of the jangpyun novel. Especially, Han Sulyah, who was associated with KAPF, tried to appropriate the concept of the jangpyun novel for Proletarian use. In other words, the project relating to the jangpyun novel developed into a more mass and popular relay novel project in popular literary groups and the newspaper media. Thus, the unfamiliar notion of the ‘jangpyun novel’ was not just a monthlong happening, but a phenomenon containing important meanings concerning the establishment of boundaries for the notion of the novel.

Recovery of Masculinity and the Taboo of Female Desire in the Postwar Era

Taeyoung Oh | 2018, 75(1) | pp.327~360 | number of Cited : 5

PDF

After the outbreak of the Korean War, both men and women were placed in a new field of gender politics in the grammar of the ‘postwar regime’ which promoted the structural change of South Korean society. And at that time, gender politics was largely dominated by the resurgence of masculinity and the taboos of female desires. Choi Jung-hee’s Endless Romance features a man who wants to secure his authority as a patriarch by sponging off the masculinity of the US military, and men who criticize women who love and marry US military men as “foreigners’ whores” while at the same time wishing to recover their lost masculinity through the act of putting themselves as the hero in saving such unfortunate women. These men felt uneasy about the loss of their masculinity after liberation and war and so placed women as objects of sexual exchange value or branded women’s love and desire as being unhealthy. Through this, they tried to regain their masculinity. The cry of patriarchy and male supremacy was nourished by notions of pure blood and nationalism. On the other hand, Choi, Jung-hee’s Endless Romance also narrates the destruction of a woman who has come to love and marry a member of the US military. The reason that she came to ruin is because the exceptional situation of war which brought about the loss of masculinity made women into fallen or betrayed beings, making it impossible to express desire itself. At this time, the romantic love of a woman was not meaningful in terms of the woman who was the subject of the emotion. Rather, it had only become meaningful for the male gender of South Korean society who desired to recover masculinity. The degraded and polluted woman, even if she carried out her own ritual of condemnation and purification, was not accepted as a member of the nation. This means that the gender politics of the recovery of masculinity made the self-planning of women impossible. The stronger the desire for the recovery of lost masculinity, the more the female desires were forbidden. This was the workings of the grammar of the postwar regime.

A History of Colonialism: Creating an ‘Index of Possessions and Colonies’ Database and Its Analysis, 1000-2015

Sun Jae Won | 2018, 75(1) | pp.361~393 | number of Cited : 0

PDF

In this paper, we created a time series database of ‘Index of Possessions and Colonies’ for the number of areas ruled by colonizers from 1000 to 2015 to complement Etmad’s accomplishment which investigated the ratio of ruled areas and populations during the 18th to the 20th century. We, furthermore, undertook analysis with the aim of criticizing economic historical studies which have focused on living standards, such as Clark concerning the UK, and Cha concerning Korea. During 1000-1487, the UK started its pursuit of Italy which was the strongest colonizer, and many colonizers competed with each other during the Rival Warlords Age, in other words the Exploration Age of 1488-1689. The UK became the most powerful colonizer in history during 1690-1918, after advancing into Africa and Asia even though she lost many colonies in the American Continent. During this period, France increased her ruled areas in Africa and Asia and became the second largest colonizer even though she had lost many colonies after Napoleon abdicated from empire. Most colonizers started to decrease their ruled areas after the First World War, although they increased their ruled areas for a brief period during the Second World War. After the end of the Second World War, the number of ruled area decreased dramatically until 1992. We can recognize the ripple effect of decolonization through the population explosion and the rapid increasing rate of the GDP which took place after the end of the Second World War. One of the backgrounds of these ripple effects was that the ruled people had become liberated and participated in market activity freely without political restriction. In terms of the remaining ruled areas in 2015, we expect that it would be possible to decolonize in the future given the fact that areas that had a longer colonized history than the remaining ruled areas have also experienced decolonization.

The History of the Luther Bible’s Publication and Revisions

Kyung-Eun Choi | 2018, 75(1) | pp.395~430 | number of Cited : 0

PDF

The German theologian Martin Luther dedicated himself, while being confined in Wartburg Castle, to translating the New Testament from Greek to German — something that he had been meaning to do for a long time — over a period of just 11 weeks. Upon returning to Wittenberg later on, he put together a team to translate the Old Testament. The complete works of Luther’s bible was finally published in 1534 — 12 years after the New Testament came out. Luther’s version was a marked departure from previous German bibles. It was indeed the culmination of the time’s publishing culture with its single column structure per page, the total of 117 pieces of artful illustration, and new typography and first letter presentations. In particular, the bible was an unprecedented success in terms of sales and dissemination. However, the aura of Luther’s bible ironically served as a challenge in its later history of revision. After 1545, when the revised version that Luther took part in himself was published, it took a whopping 372 years for another official revision to take place. There were numerous modifications in the meantime, but none were officially recognized. The issue was the language from four centuries ago. The German orthography had been revamped on many occasions, the grammar had undergone changes, and in particular the vocabulary was a formidable challenge for modern readers. In addition, as ancient scripts (notably the discovery of the Qumran) kept surfacing, a critical reading of the text had become crucial; and there was now a need to look over the context of Luther’s bible as well. This led to a total of four revisions to come forth as of 2016 since the first in 1892. The objective has been to enhance the readability and identify concrete errors; while preserving the unique voice of Luther to create a text that is accurate academically and linguistically modern. The final revision that was published to mark the 500th anniversary of the Reformation has especially centered on featuring the originality of Luther.

The “Nightmare” of Kundera: Reflections on Translations of The Joke

SEON Yeonga | 2018, 75(1) | pp.431~458 | number of Cited : 1

PDF

“Representations of the Intellectual” in Post-War British Novels: Hemlock and After and The History Man

Jung-A Hwang | 2018, 75(1) | pp.459~488 | number of Cited : 0

PDF

The Epic Preterite and the Theory of Fictional Narration

Kim, Taehwan | 2018, 75(1) | pp.489~527 | number of Cited : 1

PDF

Käte Hamburger geht davon aus, dass das Präteritum in der epischen Fiktion keine Vergangenheitsbedeutung hat, und macht dieses Paradoxon zu einem der entscheidendsten Merkmale, welche die Sprache der Dichtung (der epischen Fiktion) grundsätzlich von der alltäglichen, nicht-fiktionalen Sprache unterscheiden. In der nicht-fiktionalen Aussage („Wirklichkeitsaussage“) zeigt sich das redende Subjekt immer, wenn nicht direkt als „ich“, so wenigstens als Nullpunkt des Raum-Zeit-Koordinatensystems der Wirklichkeit, auf den sich Tempora und sonstige deiktische Ausdrücke beziehen. Hamburger geht aber davon aus, dass im fiktionalen Erzählen das Aussagesubjekt verschwindet und nicht seine Gegenwart, sondern das Hier und Jetzt der fiktiven Gestalten als Bezugspunkt fungiert. Mit dem Verschwinden des Aussagesubjekts verliert daher das Präteritum die eigentliche Funktion des grammatischen Tempus, einen für das redende Subjekt vergangenen Vorgang oder Zustand zu bezeichnen. Ihrer Idee vom erzählerlosen Erzählen liegt die Auffassung zugrunde, derzufolge die Aussagen (vor allem die Behauptungssätze) in der Fiktion nur Medien sind, die vom Autor zur Erzeugung der Scheinwirklichkeit eingesetzt werden, wie “Farbe und Pinsel” des Malers. Der Schein wird nicht auf Umwegen erzeugt, d. h. nicht durch einen fiktiven Erzähler, der vom bereits Geschehenen erzählt. Ihre Kritiker wie Franz K. Stanzel sind aber der Meinung, dass die Subjekt-Objekt-Struktur der Wirklichkeitsaussage im fiktionalen Erzählen abgebildet oder fingiert sei. Sie postulieren den Erzähler als eine fiktive Figur, die über Geschehnisse in der fiktiven Welt berichtet und als Träger der subjektiven Erzählperspektive fungiert. In diesem Zusammenhang erscheint das Präteritum der narrativen Aussage als ein zentraler Ort, in dem jene Subjekt-Objekt-Struktur der Aussage abgebildet ist, da es die Vorgängigkeit des Erzählten vor dem Erzählen signalisiert, und so von der Unabhängigkeit des ersteren gegenüber dem letzteren zeugt. In dieser Arbeit wird die Debatte um das epische Präteritum als Konflikt zwischen zwei widersprüchlichen erzähltheoretischen Grundauffassungen zum Wesen der Fiktionalität und der erzählenden Gattung dargestellt. Darüber hinaus soll hier auch der Frage nachgegangen werden, ob die beiden Theorien tatsächlich so heterogen und unvereinbar sind, ob kein dritter Weg, der sie in eine Synthese führt, einzuschlagen ist.

The Radford’s Puzzle and the Prospect of Noncognitive Theories of Emotion

Choi Kunhong | 2018, 75(1) | pp.529~566 | number of Cited : 1

PDF

Gender Formation and the Changes of Masculinity in the Neoliberal Era: Looking for the Ecological Alternative

Park Hye Young | 2018, 75(1) | pp.567~600 | number of Cited : 3

PDF

The First Linguistic Study of ‘Wooden Slips’ in Korea: Review of The Old Korean Language Inscribed on Wooden Tablets by Lee, SeungJae

Han Kyungho | 2018, 75(1) | pp.601~630 | number of Cited : 0

PDF

Expectations for the Future of Korean Society and Religious Studies: Review of Korean Society and Religious Studies edited by the Center for Religious Studies, Seoul National University

Yonglan Kwon | 2018, 75(1) | pp.631~643 | number of Cited : 0

PDF

Psychoanalysis of Colonial Modernity in Korea: Review of Colonial Trauma: Searching for the Origin of the Contemporary Anxiety by Yoo, Sun Young

Jung-Yup Lee | 2018, 75(1) | pp.645~656 | number of Cited : 0

PDF

KJCKorea
Journal Central

Journal of Humanities, Seoul National University 2023 KCI Impact Factor : 0.89

2018, Vol.75, No.1