2012, Vol., No.108

Changes of Center and West Boundary of Gojoseon in 3rd to 2nd Century B.C.

Park Jun Hyoung | 2012, (108) | pp.1~37 | number of Cited : 33

This study has examined how Gojoseon’s territory was shifted, that is, a transitional process of its west side boundary circumstances of having relationships with China in 3rd to 2nd century B.C. This paper was not intended to trace how Gojoseon’s west boundary was changed with the change of times, but to identify the position of Beishui(浿水) first, which was considered one of the most important issues and examine its boundary with Yan(燕) and Qin(秦). The changes of the west boundary of Gojoseon can be summarized as follows with the change of times. Before getting attacked by Yan(燕), Gojoseon grew out of Early Narrow-shaped Bronze Dagger Culture which succeeded the Zhengjiawazi type of Late Mandolin-shaped Dagger Culture, centering on the Shenyang (沈陽) region. After Yen launched an attack against Gojoseon in 282 B.C.,it came to share borders with Yen and Manfanhan(滿番汗). Considering that Manfanhan was located between Yingkou(營口) and gaizhou(蓋州),which are equal to the downstream of Liaohe(遼河) now, the western region of Qianshan mountain range(千山山脈) seems to have been included in the Liaodong district of Yan. As Gojoseon lost the Shenyang area due to such attack from Yan, Gojoseon was forced to move its capital from Shenyang area to Pyungyang(平壤). After unifying Chinese Warring-States, Qin(秦) crossed the Beishui (沛水＝渾河) to conquer Gojoseon. Then, Gojoseon submitted to Yen. During this process, Gojoseon came to be bordered on the Yalu river(鴨綠江) by Qin. It is suggested that the region lost to Qin, ranging from the Qianshan mountain range to the Yalu river, was equal to Vacant Land of Qin(秦故空地＝秦故地) according to historical records. Afterwards, Gojoseon was successful in attacking Han(漢) to take back the east of Beishui (浿水＝渾河) that was lost to Qin, taking an advantage of a political turmoil happened during a Qin-Han transition period.

The Rituals of the Royal Family and the socio-political significance of the posthumous honor in the Late Period of Silla

Park Namsoo | 2012, (108) | pp.39~69 | number of Cited : 17

was the effective progenitor of the late period of Silla. And so it can be examined all sorts of rituals for ancestors performed by the King Gyeongmun lineage. By studying them, I can reconstructed all kinds of ritual process : the creation of royal tombs by the will of King Wonseong,organizing Buddhist ceremony for reciting Sutra for the reconstruction of Goksa by the order of King Gyeongmun, informing of the tomb of King Wonseong and Royal Ancestral Shirne of the installation of King Gyeongmun and so forth. In addition, King Gyeongmun endeavoured to solve the problems about the authenticity of his succession to the throne and the issue on keeping the spirit tablet in shrine accompanied by the relocation of King Wonseong’s Ancestral tablet, raised in the early of his reign by diverting to the reconstruction of Goksa; and granting the posthumous title to Uigong the Great and enshrining his spirit tablet into the shrine. The mutual coalition of two 1ineages of Gyunjeong and Hunjeong, since excluding the 1ineage of Ingyeom from the period of the reign of King Sinmu, had continued until the 1ineage of King Wonseong claimed to advocate the solidarity among them in the process of succession to the throne of King Geongmun and after his succession. However, with the installation of Uijong, Tang as a momentum, King Gyeongmun had concentrated his power on the 1ineage of Hunjeong by enshrining his late father Gyemyeong into the royal shrine and investing his son, Jeong, as a crown prince. In the process, he crashed the rebellions by Yun Heung and Kim Ye severely, which he could carry out the political reforms such as encouraging study on their own culture and academy not Chinese ones and expanding secretarial organization for the King. Since then, the movement of the sovereign power went on in the 1ineage of King Gyeongmun, a sub-1ineage of Hunjeong centering Ui Hong exclusively. This was to block the succession to the throne by other lineages in the royal family, which resulted in the discontinuity of Royal lineage of Kim as the line of King Gyeongmun cut off.

Taoist temples in the Koryo Dynasty Periods

kim Cheolwoong | 2012, (108) | pp.71~100 | number of Cited : 3

The establishment and administration of the police at the treaty ports in Korea from 1884 to 1896

Min Hoi Soo | 2012, (108) | pp.101~143 | number of Cited : 9

Even before the introduction of the modern police system to Korea during the Reform in 1894, the police system had existed at the treaty ports and open markets in Korea. This ‘Policeman(警察官)’ was first introduced to Inch’on Port in 1884 for the duty of patrol around the settlement(租界) under the control of the Gamri(監理), the Superintendent of the treaty ports, which had been influenced by the police system that Japan had introduced to Korean treaty ports and the plan for the introduction of the modern police system made by the Enlightenment Party (開化派). His role was not specialized in the duty of patrol which had been the object for introduction at the beginning, and he accomplished various works on the settlement and assisted the business of the Superintendent Office(監理署), such as various transport services and so on. But as the role of the Superintendent Office grew larger and its constitution bigger, the police system also underwent the process of expansion and independence which resulted in the separation of the police station(警察署) from the Superintendent Office. And the duties of the policeman at the treaty ports also became more specialized in that of the public peace, such as the surveillance of the ships and maintaining the order of the commercial transaction, more similar to those of the modern police. When the Official Regulations for the Police Agency(警務廳官制) was made in 1894, which means the introduction of the modern police system to Korea, the police system at the treaty ports also included in the new system. And its relationship of command and control with the Superintendent office disconnected formally as it became under the control of the Police Agency in Seoul, but continuing practically. Passing through the establishment of the new Official Regulations for the Police Agency,the reform of the local government system and the abolition of the Superintendent Office in 1895, the police system at the treaty ports again went under the command of the local administrative organization, later being controlled by the Superintendent just like before 1894 after the reconstruction of the Superintendent Office in 1896. Checking on the process in the above mentioned, we can make sure that the police system at the treaty ports are connected to the modern police system after 1894, completely in form and partly in substance, getting a new clue for the beginning of the modern police system in Korea.

The Establishment Process of the Electric Power Control Policy during the 1920’s and the Early 1930’s

JINSEOK OH | 2012, (108) | pp.145~190 | number of Cited : 6

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This paper examines the establishment process of the electric power control policy(hereafter EPC policy) during the 1920’s and the early 1930's. The research about EPC policy has the important significance for ascertaining the characteristics of the industrialization and economic system during the Japanese rule. EPC policy was not suddenly enforced by inauguration of the Governor-General of Joseon of Ugaki Kazushige [宇垣一成] during the early 1930’s. The necessity of EPC policy had been indicated for the efficient development of hydro-electric power, and the enactment of Joseon Jeongi Saeopryeong[Joseon Electric Business Act] had been repeatedly tried to realize from 1920’s, but was not succeeded in. The sense of crisis of the business world of electricity was amplified as the movement of reducement of overall price of electricity was magnified to the municipalization movement. The business world of electricity thought that it must cooperate to establish the EPC policy and be guaranteed the local monopoly and the maintenance of private management by the Government-General of Joseon for the prevention of the municipalization movement. But government management theorists and private management theorists of electric power industry was conflicted. Finally both sides agreed to determine the basic principle that electric transmission mainline is government management, and the production of electric power, distribution of electricity and electric transmission branch line are private management. Exceptively appropriate cases are granted that integrated business of the production, transmission and distribution of electric power is managed by private companies. As a matter of fact, the primary principle is that the production, transmission and distribution of electric power is private management, and the secondary principle is that electric transmission mainline is government management. In this respect, existing researches have been emphasized that electric transmission mainline is government management, and the production of electric power, distribution of electricity and electric transmission branch line are private management, but this stand needs to be reconsidered.

Change in and Background of the Situation Recognition of Dong-A-Ilbo group in 1930s - From Criticism of Political System to Submission to Political System -

Yoon Duk Young | 2012, (108) | pp.191~261 | number of Cited : 17

This study has the purpose to research how the nationalist political group which accepted and internalized revised modified capitalism under Japanese imperialism recognized and responded to the rise of fascism in 1930s, the global stream of the times, through Dong-A-Ilbo group recognition of and response to the situation. Dong-A-Ilbo maintained the critical keynote for the Japanese governance system until the mid-1930s. It expressed concern and caution about the rise of the Japanese militarism from the early 1930s, attributed the background of the militarism to fascism rising over the world and showed its attitude to criticize the nationalism and to champion democracy. It also aggressively publicized the anti-fascism popular front when this was raised in Europe in 1935. Dong-A-Ilbo followed the tactical decision to support the anti-fascism popular front that went against fascism and militarism on a global level because it judged that the rise of fascism over the world and the Japanese fascistic militarism would further keep the independence of Choseon and democratic rearrangement from happening rather than it agree the ideology or the political line. However, as it was suspended for an indefinite period for 10 months because of the incident of erasure of Japanese national flag of Son Ki-Cheong in 1936, Dong-A-Ilbo changed its attitude. Submitting to the strong policy of press control of the Japanese imperialism, it compromised with the Japanese imperialism and changed its tone of the press to supporting and propagandizing Japanese policies. Moreover, as Song Chin-woo, who took the lead in Dong-A-Ilbo in 1920s and 1930s, stepped down, its leaders group got to change. Although the nationalist groups were voluntarily won over to the Japanese fascistic system, Dong-A-Ilbo appeared to be submissive to the Japanese fascistic system rather than won over to or regulated by the Japanese system. However, Dong-A-Ilbo’s discontinuance forced by the Japanese imperialism gave its groups, which were submissive to the Japanese fascistic system, justification to politically revive as a nationalist movement group. This situation was the historical background of Dong-A-Ilbo group who were able to be at the center of the concentration of the domestic nationalist groups and the right wing groups immediately after the liberation of Korea.

1930~40년대 어업조합의 활동 - 전남지역 사례를 중심으로 -

Choe Jae Seong | 2012, (108) | pp.263~300 | number of Cited : 9

일제는 식민지 조선에서 수산자원의 확보, 일본인 어민의 이주 장려와 보호, 조선 어촌과 어민의 통제를 위해 수산단체를 설립했는데, 어업조합도 중요 수산단체였다. 어민들을 어업조합의 테두리 안으로 들어오게 하는 데는 어업조합의 어업권 확보, 조합원에 대한 어업조합의 자금 융통, 그리고 위탁 판매, 공동 구입, 공동 시설 등이 중요한 역할을 했다. 먼저 조합 설립 지구 내 거주 어업자는 모두 어업조합에 가입해야 했다. 조합원은 어업조합이 취득하거나 대부를 받은 어업권의 범위 내에서 각자 어업을 해야 했고, 1940년경에 이르면 조선 어업자 대다수가 어업조합원으로 가입하여 어업조합의 직접 통제 하에 들어갔다. 어업조합원이 어획 또는 생산․양식․가공한 수산물은 조선협동수산주식회사, 임겸조, 일본수산주식회사, 동련조, 조선해태판매주식회사 등 일본인 기업 자본에게 독점 판매되거나 그들의 중개를 거쳐 상품화되었다. 그리고 상품화된 수산물은 조선 내 거주 일본인의 부식 또는 공업원료로 판매 혹은 일본 본토로 이출되거나 중국․남양 등지로 수출되었다. 또 어업용 공산품은 어업조합의 공동구입망을 통해 조합원인 어민에게 전달되어 어업 영위과정에 투입되었다. 어업조합은 조선의 어촌이 식민 본국을 위한 식량․원료 공급지와 식민본국의 공업제품을 소비하는 상품시장으로서의 역할에 충실하도록 하는 기구였던 것이다. 그밖에 조선인 객주 등 어업상인 자본이 고리대를 통해 조선인 어민의 생산과 유통을 장악하던 관행을 끊고 일제 자본 측에 어획물을 판매하지 않을 수 없도록 하기 위해 어업자금 대부를 실시했다. 예금업무는 부족한 대부 재원 마련을 위해 시작되었는데, 1937년 이후 전시체제기에는 목포어업조합에서 보는 바와 같이 공제저금도 강제 실시했다. 그 결과 어업조합을 통해 조선의 수산자원이 일제의 자본과 기술에 포섭되어 상품화되었고, 그 과정에서 어촌지역과 조선인 어민들의 생활은 일제의 통치기구와 자본의 통제에 종속되었다.

The narcotic problems after the liberation of Korea and social awareness - Liberation and the establishment of the government early -

CHO SEOK YEON | 2012, (108) | pp.301~342 | number of Cited : 14

This thesis is the narcotic problems at a nation building process after the liberation of Korea. That researches outline is as the following. National recognition of poppies cultivated by the people is comparatively generous in a traditional society. People had cultivated poppies to utilize them as home medicine in agricultural districts in Korea. Opium gathered on the poppy's skin takes effects as medicine for internal use, so it was not difficult to see that people had at least a lump of opium at home. At that time a lot of agricultural village didn't have a hospital and a medicine was always insufficient. Opium was known as a remedy for every ill and people used to take opium they had at home whenever it was required. Under the rule of Japanese imperialism, Morphine refined from opium was used for a medicine to people as well. Generally morphia had to be used restrictively as prescribed by a doctor, but patients as well as doctors were not aware of its danger and toxicity. Furthermore Japan employed a generous policy on opium, so a lot of people were addicted by opium. Opium had been recognized as household medicine but not as a narcotic. People could not recognize morphinism as a crime. They were certainly patients and scapegoats by the wrong state policies. But they were regarded as a criminal, a social evil, in a special situation of nation building after liberalization. they also were treated as a group disturbing nation building in a time of establishing a united nation of people. Therefore, they did not offer a social opportunity to protection. At this era, even though state had a social conscience of drug problem from the liberalization through 1950s, she could not deal with the drug problem specifically and positively, because of the war and the struggle of ideology between south and north, because of a historical matter like a nation reconstruction after war, because of a trouble building up the basic health problem. Therefore, emphasized to duty of human's conscience and social moral principle problem that do not take narcotic. State made a social role and status of everyone, regardless of the controlled or the controller, about drug control, enlarging the power of drug control step by step. So to speak, state began to warn the narcotic addicts socially and ethically in a time of liberalization. In the end, after the war came to an end, she treated them as a social evil. On the one hand, in a institutional point of

A study on the consumer cooperative movements in mining areas by the relief and rehabilitation committee in Won-ju in 1970∼1980s

Kim So Nam | 2012, (108) | pp.343~409 | number of Cited : 8

This study focuses on analyzing the consumer cooperative movements in mining areas by the relief and rehabilitation committee in Won-ju in 1970～1980’s. In March 1973, the relief and rehabilitation committee in Won-ju started the ‘long lasting relief program’ in the mining areas financed by Deutscher Caritas. At the time, the labor of korean miners is rather dangerous and burdensome work and also they face such hardships as difficult traffic,expensive price of commodities, as their villages are located in remote mountainous valleys, as they are living a desperate life owing to the low level of wage, bad environments of dwelling and lack of welfare facilities. So, the relief and rehabilitation committee promoted the Organization and operation of consumers’ cooperatives in miners’ villages in Kangwondo(1977～1981) under the support from Misereor to establish the Consumers’ Cooperatives and the Council of Consumers’ Cooperatives in order to enhance the socio-economic status of miners. The Continuation for 2 years of the promotion of Consumers’Cooperatives in Miners’ Villages(1981～1983) was promoted by the Social Development committee and the main targets of this project was to strengthen the consumers’ cooperatives and the Council of Consumers’ Cooperatives in mining villages through various educations and guiding the operations managements. As a result, the miners’ credit unions and the miners’ Consumers’ Cooperatives as a subsidiary business of the credit unions could be activated and the Council of Consumers’ Cooperatives could be arranged based on the independence. The Social Development committee executed the project under the support from Misereor so successfully that its results was quickly introduced to many industrial trade unions nationwide through the National league of Miners’ Trade Unions. Thus, they were not satisfied only with its success, but also tried to extend it to other trade unions to promote the general cooperative movement of korean workers who are forbidden regular labor strife. So they promoted the expansion and promotion of Consumers’Cooperatives with Trade Unions based on Consumers’ Cooperatives in mining areas(1983～1987). This project was characterized by strengthening the existing business of miners' consumers’ cooperatives and at the same time spreading it out to nationwide trade unions to motivate the national movement of consumers’ cooperatives. They promoted this movement,based on the 7 Cooperative Principles, as a symbol of the cooperatives business of the National Trade Union Confederation and tried out the expansion of the Consumers’ Cooperatives movement. In the early 1980’s, the consumers’ cooperatives were restricted in their growth as they had been promoted as a subsidiary business of the credit unions without their own law. The miners’ consumers’ cooperatives,therefore, required a new reorganization for self-supporting account system apart from the credit unions with their own law. So, the Social Development committee impelled the independence of the miners’consumers cooperatives through the approval of the Economic Planning Board to the National Federation of Consumer’s Cooperatives, but it was failed until 1987 and the miners’ consumers cooperatives were left as a subsidiary business of the credit unions under the Consumers’ Cooperative Federation of the National Trade Union Confederation. The cooperative movement in the mining areas led by the Social Development committee induced the leaders and members of the coal mine labor unions to an awakening to the reality of the mining villages through various educations, local courses and live-in training courses. As the activities in trade unions stagnated and the leaders grew less enthusiastic because of the restriction of labor movement, that movement was convinced them of the fact that the economic cooperation was essential to the workers and activated the dull trade union by promotion consumers cooperatives in them. So, they were able to play a role to achieve the democratization of the unions and the labor movement in mining areas.

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2012, Vol., No.108